一篇关于梦想的演讲稿
II HAVE A DREAM By Dr. Martin L. King Jr. [Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963] I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. . . . . I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed; we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. I have a dream, that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that. Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring! And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last. The End “I Have a Dream” and “Nonviolent Resistance” by Martin Luther King Jr. are similar in their use of evidence from the Bible, religion, Negro spiritualism, highly regarded people, respected documents, abstract concepts, and in their use of balanced phrases and correct sentence structure, but they differ in their narrative voice, audience, word choice, and use of literary devices. Although “Nonviolent Resistance” and “I Have a Dream” both use evidence from the Bible, religion, Negro spiritualism, and highly regarded people, “I Have a Dream” makes more use of historical documents. Both essays make extensive use of religious and biblical evidence. For example, “Nonviolent Resistance” relates the biblical account of Moses who led the escape of the Israelites from slavery, to demonstrate that people sometimes prefer “acquiescence” to the struggle for freedom. It also includes a quotation from the Bible where Jesus told Peter, “Put up your sword,” to build support for King’s stance against violent resistance. “Nonviolent Resistance” also includes religious and biblical references to concepts of morality and immorality, love and hatred, “his brother’s keeper,” and “an eye for an eye,” in ways to show that non-violent resistance is preferable to acquiescence or violent resistance. Although “I Have a Dream” does not relate any specific biblical account, it too makes extensive use of biblical and religious evidence. For example, it elevates the promise of racial equality to a “sacred obligation” and views the place where Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation as a “hallowed spot.” To show that a non-segregated America is the ideal, this essay describes the proper basis of American society as “the solid rock of brotherhood.” The phrases “all of God’s children” and “Jews and Gentiles” are included to emphasize that all Americans should help black people win their freedom, and that everyone will benefit when King’s dream of racial freedom is realized. Religious overtones are maintained when the essay describes how the “faith that unearned suffering is redemptive” enables blacks to endure the “persecution” and “trials and tribulations” of segregation. The wording of paragraph eighteen, which includes the phrase, “the glory of the Lord shall be revealed,” uses biblical phraseology to describe a racially integrated America. In paragraph nineteen, the essay repeatedly uses the word “faith” to validate King’s hope for equality and freedom. Blacks who rely on “soul force” and “pray” to overcome resistance will eventually be able to “thank God Almighty” for their newfound freedom. Both essays use evidence drawn from Negro spiritualism. “Nonviolent Resistance” graphically explains why blacks give up their fight against segregation by quoting a Negro guitarist who sang, “Ben down so long that down don’t bother me.” “I Have a Dream,” on the other hand, expresses the joy that racial freedom will bring to all Negroes by quoting words from an old African American spiritual song, “Free at last! free at last: thank God almighty, we are free at last!” Well known people also appear as sources of evidence in these essays. For example, in “Nonviolent Resistance,” King refers to a passage from Shakespeare’s writing to reinforce his contention that some people prefer a familiar bondage to the unknowns of freedom. Perhaps on a more personal level, he uses the example of the well-known Jewish leader, Moses, to point out that people may blame their leader for troubles encountered during the struggle for freedom. “I Have a Dream” refers to Abraham Lincoln as “a great American” who helped to create “a great beacon of hope” for Negro slaves, but does not actually name him. This discretionary use of evidence keeps the focus of the essay clearly on King’s dream. Both essays base arguments on respected documents. “Nonviolent Resistance” relies on the respect granted to Hegel’s writings when it introduces “non-violent resistance” as “[l]ike the synthesis of Hegelian philosophy. . . .” That reference helps promote the legitimacy of this option. In “I Have a Dream,” the “Emancipation Declaration,” the American Constitution, the “Declaration of Independence,” and a patriotic song support King’s argument that all people are equal. Finally, both essays advance their theses by using abstract concepts such as “justice,” “injustice,” “hatred,” “freedom,” and “obligation.” In addition, “Nonviolent Resistance” uses the concepts “immoral,” “conscience,” “moral strength,” “noble,” and “love” to show that non-violent resistance is superior to violence and acquiescence, while “I Have a Dream” describes the “bitterness,” “suffering,” “oppression,” and “despair” that result from segregation, while extolling the “tranquility” and “brotherhood” that will ensue once “gradualism,” “interposition,” and “nullification” are overcome by people who have “faith.” The essays differ in their narrative voice and audience while using balanced phrases and correct sentence structure; however, “Nonviolent Resistance” contains simpler words and fewer metaphors than does “I Have a Dream.” “Nonviolent Resistance” is written in the third person, addressing an audience consisting of each individual “Negro.” In contrast, “I Have a Dream,” written in the first person, uses the words “us,” “we,” and “our” to address Negroes as a group. “Nonviolent Resistance” employs the balanced phrases “monologue rather than dialogue” and “not against the oppressor but against oppression.” In “I Have a Dream,” the first two lines of paragraph nine consist of a succession of balanced phrases. The phrases, “meeting physical force with soul force” and “their destiny is tied up with our destiny” in paragraph six are also balanced. Both essays use formal vocabulary; however, “Nonviolent Resistance” explains more of its difficult words than does “I Have a Dream.” For example, “I Have a Dream” leaves unexplained the words “symbolic,” “momentous,” “languishing,” “dramatize,” “architects,” “gradualism,” “interposition,” “nullification,” “symphony,” “curvaceous,” “prodigious,” “underestimate,” “invigorating,” and “tranquility.” Both essays use literary devices, but “I Have a Dream” uses metaphors far more extensively. “Nonviolent Resistance” personifies the undisturbed “conscience of the oppressor” as a person asleep, and it metaphorically describes the results of violence as “a desolate night of bitterness.” In addition, it uses a metaphor to compare the attraction of public support for non-violent resistance to magnetic attraction. “I Have a Dream” uses similes to compare “justice” to “waters” that roll down, and “righteousness” to “a mighty stream.” It also uses similes to compare “the Emancipation Declaration” to “a great beacon light” and “a joyous daybreak.” In addition, “I Have a Dream” utilizes a great number of rich metaphors. In the first paragraph, it uses metaphors to compare Negro slavery to a “long night,” and the injustice slaves suffered to being “seared in . . . flames.” The second paragraph metaphorically describes “the life of the Negro” as being “crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.” Metaphors continue to be used to portray the Negroes’ situation as being an “island of poverty in . . . a vast ocean of material prosperity.” The third and fourth paragraphs contain an extended metaphor comparing the promises of freedom in the “Constitution and the Declaration of Independence” to a “bad check” drawn on the “bank of justice.” “[O]pportunity” is compared to “vaults” in a bank, “freedom” to money, and “justice” to “security.” Metaphors are also used to compare “segregation” to a “dark and desolate valley,” “gradualism” to “tranquillizing drugs,” “racial justice” to a “sunlit path,” “racial injustice” to “quicksands,” and “brotherhood” to a “solid rock.” In paragraph five, Negro “discontent” is “sweltering summer,” and Negro determination is expressed in terms of “whirlwinds” that will continue until “the bright day of justice” when “freedom and equality” arrive as “an invigorating autumn.” “Justice” is metaphorically described as a “palace” in paragraph six. Desire for freedom is a “thirst,” that could be satisfied by “drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.” In the following paragraphs, the metaphor for “persecution” is “storms,” for “despair,” it is a “valley” or a “mountain,” and for “hope,” it is a “stone.” “I Have a Dream” concludes with a metaphor, maintained over the last seven paragraphs, that compares “freedom” to a bell that will “ring” from all parts of America when everyone is “free at last!” 前面是马丁路德金的著名演讲稿，后面是引用别人的，如需要马丁路德金的演讲（mp3格式），可联系我
my dream 演讲稿
Everyone has a dream. Now I want to say something about my dream. What is my dream? I often ask myself. In my mind, everyone shall have own dream. I think that having a dream means that we have an idea, and then we will do all the things to achieve the target. As long as we have a goal to be realized, we won’t be blind at least. My dream is to become a successful doctor, helping those sick people and saving their lives. Of course, to be a good doctor is very difficult, but I will do whatever I can do to keep everyone healthy. That's my dream. I want to try my best to help the poor sick people of our country. I want to let them have an opportunity to receive excellent treatments for their illnesses without having to pay much or just enjoy them free. China is a developing country which needs good medicine and good doctors, especially in the countryside and distant villages. Now I’m a junior student on Grade One, all my classmates and I are working hard. We all know that the entrance exam of high schools coming in the year of 2009 is a big challenge for us, so we must study harder and harder in order to go to a good high school. Thus after we finish our senior high school, we are able to go to a good university. Finally, we can find a good job in society. My dream is also that although at present I’m good at study, I’ll still try my best to be the study winner. Now everything I do is close to my dream. I feel life is fill with hope and is colorful, and I have enough confidence to realize my dream. I know that fantasy is something hard to realize, but dream can. I’ll work hard for my dreams, I’ll never give up.
马丁路德金演讲稿
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. 今天，我高兴地同大家一参加这次将成为我国历史上争取自由而举行的最伟示威集会。
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。
这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。
100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。
100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。
100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。
所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable Rights of Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds. 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。
我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。
这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。
然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。
美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. 但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。
我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。
因此，我们来兑现这张支票。
这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。
现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。
现在是实现民主诺言的时候。
现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。
现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。
现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。
自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。
1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。
如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。
在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. 反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。
在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。
我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。
我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。
我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。
我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。
他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。
We cannot walk alone. 我们不能单独行动。
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. 当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。
We cannot turn back. 我们不能后退。
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, When will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. 有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意
”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。
只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。
只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。
只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。
只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。
不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。
你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。
有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。
你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。
继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。
回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。
要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. 我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。
朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。
这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. 我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。
” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. 我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. 我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。
I have a dream today! 我今天怀有一个梦。
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. 我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。
I have a dream today! 我今天怀有一个梦。
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.? 我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. 这是我们的希望。
这是我将带回南方去的信念。
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. 有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。
有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。
有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: 到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌： My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. 我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, 这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方， From every mountainside, let freedom ring! 让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. 如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. 因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰
But not only that: 不，不仅如此； Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. 让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘
From every mountainside, let freedom ring. 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: 当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。
那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌： Free at last! free at last! “终于自由了
终于自由了
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了
” （希望对你有用，但是生词标音就有点难了，哪几个使你的生词
）
诸康妮演讲稿翻译
Discover yourself.Today I'm going to talk about discover yourself.今天我要谈的是：发现自己。
Ever since the accelerated development of human civilization, perpetual scientific discovery of nature have companied mankind all along the journey.自然科学的发现始终伴随着人类文明的飞速发展。
It was by discovering the around us that human beings have been able to live a more sophisticated life.通过对周围事物的观察和发现，我们人类已经过着更美好的生活。
However, as G.K. Chesterton once said “one may understand the cosmos, but never the ego, the self is more distance than any star.然而，切斯特顿曾经说过：“人们可以了解宇宙, 但从来不了解自己，自我的距离远超过任何星辰的距离。
”Thus, a life is a journey of unrelenting offers to discover more of ourselves.因此，生活是一个不屈不挠、努力发现自己的旅程。
When I was six, I constantly picture myself as an elegant and skilled pianist rendering Xiao Bang's nocturnal beautifully on the stage, receiving award and applause after my performance.当我六岁时，就不断想象自己像一个优雅和娴熟的钢琴家，在舞台上演奏肖邦的优美的小夜曲，在演奏结束后收获着奖励和掌声However, as I further my piano lessons, it was hard to be oblivious of my non-gifted skills.可是，在随后的钢琴课上，我发现我并没有演奏钢琴的天赋。
Sometimes I couldn't help but have this feeling of despair, when I woke up to the reality and discover that my goal was unrealistic.有时候，当我从梦中回到现实，发现自己的目标多么的不切实际，我忍不住感到绝望。
Brutal but real.现实是残酷的。
It was the first time; I had discovered that I couldn't have it at all, when I was twelve.12岁的时候，我第一次发现我不可能成为钢琴演奏家。
I thought the coolest job in the entire universe was to be a surgeon.我曾经以为在全世界外科医生是最酷的工作，。
I spent hours and hours watching the drama Grey's Anatomy and couldn't help falling in love with the kind of live those doctor lead on the scream.我一遍又一遍地观看情节剧《实习医生格蕾》，并不自觉地被那些尖叫的医生所吸引。
I was utterly mesmerized by the scalpel and all those fancy medical terms that use.我完全被手术刀和那些花哨的医疗用语迷住了。
However, I stop to dream about being a surgeon when I discover that it was the idea of being a surgeon that appeal to me, not what it truly was.但是，当发现成为一名外科医生只是一厢情愿时，我就不再侈想。
As a result, the dream ended and I discovered some more about myself.此后，随着梦想的破灭，我加深了对自己的了解。
This year, I turned sixteen and I could proudly say I do not dream to be, but ascertain to peruse being a lower in the future.在我十六岁那一年，我可以自豪地说，我不再梦想着成为什么什么，但却为未来制定了一个现实的目标。
Since junior high school I had always been awarded the most eloquent debater in every single debater participated in. I can not only think logically, but also deliver my thought promptly.从初中开始，我总是在比赛中被评为最佳辩手，我思维缜密、善于表达。
My huge interest in philosophy also acts my reason in whenever I tried to argue with something equivocal.对哲学的巨大兴趣使我总是试图去为一些模棱两可的问题寻找答案。
Being aware of the obstacles and the hardships on the way becoming a great lawyer never panics me, for the simple reason that I have this faith and passion in what I am aspiring after.我知道，要想成为一个伟大的律师其前路困难重重，但这并没有把我吓倒，那是因为我对我的追求充满了信心和激情。
G.K.Chesterton was absolutely correct; the most complicated part of comprehending the world is the study of somehow smaller world, ourselves.切斯特顿是对的，要想理解世界上最复杂的部分需要从对小的地方着手研究即从研究我们自己开始。
I subsequently realized that growing up is a process that discover yourselves.从那以后，我意识到成长的过程就是一个不断发现自己的过程。
We got to know what we truly are and become who we dream to be.我们需要知道真正的自己然后才能我成为我们梦想中的自己。
As we shape ourselves and as we shape of our lives.当我们塑造自己时，同时也在塑造我们的生活。
We gradually become more aware of limits and potentials, and consequently learn to adjust learn what's out there, and by that ladies and gentlemen I'm proud to say that I have discovered part of myself, sue to discovering today and definitely a lot more in the future.当我们逐渐认识道自己的不足和潜力，进而学着去适应和调整，并因此，女士们，先生们，我可以很自豪地说，我已经逐渐发现了自己，今天正在发现且明天会更多地发现自己。
I would always keep this in embedded in my heart.我将会永远记住这一点。
Things do not change, we do!虽然事情没有改变，但我们要改变
