有木有慷慨激昂的英语演讲稿
I have a dreamI am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds. But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, When will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating For Whites Only. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning. My country, ’ tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing: Land where my fathers died, Land of the pilgrims’ pride, From every mountainside Let freedom ring. And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York! Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi! From every mountainside, let freedom ring! When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”
英文高手进
求我的1919中顾维钧慷慨激昂的演讲中，牧野说的英文原话
我抗议你妹戴斯，这是你妹戴斯，中国代表偷了你妹的怀表戴斯，这是公开的你妹你妹妹极端的你妹妹
爱国演讲中，比较慷慨激昂的背景音乐
出埃及记 征服天堂 国际歌 the mass都是慷慨激昂 激励斗志的音乐 希望你能满意
拿破仑慷慨激昂的演讲
我成功，因为志在要成功，未尝踌躇。
没有机会
这真是弱者的最好代词。
不以小事为轻，而后可以成大事。
达到重要目标有二个途径——势力与毅力，势力只是少数人所有，但坚韧不拔的毅力则多数人均可拥有。
它沉默的力量随着时间发展而至无可抵抗。
不会从失败中寻求教训的人通向成功的道路是遥远的。
承受痛苦，比死亡更需要勇气。
一切不道德事情中最不道德的，就是去做不能胜任的事情 在爱情的战场上，唯一获胜的秘诀是逃跑。
让驴子和学者走在队伍中间。
一个人应养成信赖自己的习惯，即使在最危急的时候，也要相信自己的勇敢与毅力。
业绩造就伟人 。
一切都是可以改变的，不可能只有庸人的词典里才有。
人生之光荣，不在永不失败，而在能屡仆屡起。
不想当将军的士兵不是好士兵。
人多不足以依赖，要生存只有靠自己。
统治世界的是想象力
孩子未来是好是坏，完全在于母亲 我只有一个忠告给你——做你自己的主人。
中国是一头睡狮，一旦醒来将震憾世界。
衡量一支军队的好坏，就看能否打胜仗。
想得好是聪明，计划得好更聪明，做得好是最聪明又是最好。
战士们，在那金字塔的绝顶上，40个世纪在俯视着你们
不能分享胜利的军队是无法作战的。
幸福是个人价值的最大发挥。
爱国是文明人的首要美德。
.要清楚明白而不含糊，其余的一切会随之俱来。
统一指挥是战争的第一要事。
总司令最重要的品质就是冷静的头脑。
删节本
可鄙的办法
青年人有时间阅读长篇巨著，也有想象力去掌握一切伟大的事物。
历史描绘出人心。
伟大的统帅应该每日自问数次，如果面前或左右出现敌人该怎么办
他若不知所措，就是不称职的。
我性嗜奠基，不嗜产业。
我的产业就是荣耀和盛名。
为政之道就是勇往直前，有进无退。
.我的基本要素是工作。
我有此生就是为了工作。
我两腿能及之处有界限，我双眼能看到的也有界限，我从不知道我的工作有何界限。
工作是我的一切，我生来就是为了工作。
即使我身后什么也没有留下，即使我所有的业绩全部毁灭，我的勤奋和我的荣誉，在我死后仍将足以鼓舞千秋万代的青年。
行军就是战争 在我的字典中，没有“不可能”这样的字眼。
我爱力量。
但我之所以爱力量，犹如想借魔术奏出美妙音乐的小提琴家爱他的小提琴一样。
换句话说，我是以艺术家的方式爱着的。
拿破仑在征俄惨败时说过一句名言：“ 从伟大崇高到荒谬可笑，其间只相差一步”。
所谓军事指挥艺术，就是当自己的兵力数量实际上居于劣势时，反而能在战场上化劣势为优势。
统治者最糟糕的，莫过于不道德。
上梁不正下梁歪。
统治者要是不道德，就会影响风尚，毒化社会。
我以为负恩是人类最大的缺点。
我留给儿子的只有我的名字。
其实，人家批评与否跟我有什么关系
我发誓，我所做的一切都只为了法国
如果我没有给它更多的自由，那只是它并古需要自由。
人一生一世，不给人间留点痕迹，不如不出生。
在思考一次战役时，我在内心与自己辩论，力求驳倒自己；在制订战役方案时，我是最谨小慎微的人。
我总是扩大危险和意外，即使我看来高兴，其实我始终极度紧张和激动。
我永远在工作着，我思考得很多。
要说我对某事已准备就绪， 足堪胜任，那只是因为在此以前，我已反复考虑过；即使是细枝末节，我也要千思万想。
勤奋是构成天才的要素之一。
即使我身后什么也没留下，即使我所有的业绩全部毁灭，我的勤奋与荣誉，在我死后仍将足以鼓舞千秋万代的青年。
活着本身就是受苦受难。
不过勇者应不断力求自制，最终总会做到这一点。
我很少抽出剑来，我用我的眼睛，而不是武器，来赢得胜利。
女人是无常多变的，好运也是。
最了不起的艺术，它本身包含着所有其他的艺术。
精神胜于武力。
统帅的高明之处在于他智力上的素质：洞察力、远见、计算、果断、口才、对人性的了解。
大多数人内心生来具有善与恶、勇与怯的种子，这是人的天性；后天如何成长，则取决于教养与环境。
一个统治者对人民应该举止端庄，但是不要奉承群众因为那样一来群众的要求稍不满足就以为受了欺骗。
你们问我为什么会做恫吓演说
我这样做为的是免得被迫做我所恫吓的那些事。
请相信我，上天操纵着一切，我们只是它的工具而已。
没有人能逃脱自己的命运。
无所谓幸福，也就无所谓不幸。
幸福者的生活是在一幅银色底片上显示黑色的星星； 不幸者的生活则犹如黑底版上的银色星星。
与世无争是理性的范畴，是心灵的真正胜利。
挫折也有好的一面，它教给我们真理。
人不管处在什么样的情况下都可以幸福。
我是自己最大的敌人。
在同一个世纪里不能重复做同一件事。
应该蔑视一切政党，心目中只有广大民众。
只有依靠广大民众的支持，才能建立伟业。
为政之道在于惠及全体人民。
君主不应以统治为目的，而应传播道德，教化和福泽。
为政不一定遵循多么完善的理论，只须就所掌握的条件与能力从事建设，有所建树。
谁能帮我 关于介绍奥巴马的英语作文 不要太难 最好是 连中文也带上 拜托. 急用急用急用急用急用急用急用
Barack Hussein Obama, born on August 4, 1961, is the junior United States Senator from Illinois and presidential nominee of the Democratic Party in the 2008 United States presidential election. Obama graduated with a B.A. from Columbia in 1983, then at the start of the following year worked for a year at the Business International Corporation and then at the New York Public Interest Research Group.After four years in New York City, Obama moved to Chicago, where he was hired as director of the Developing Communities Project (DCP) and worked there for three years from June 1985 to May 1988.Obama entered Harvard Law School in late 1988. At the end of his first year, he was selected, based on his grades and a writing competition, as an editor of the Harvard Law Review. In February 1990, in his second year, he was elected president of the Law Review, a full-time volunteer position functioning as editor-in-chief and supervising the Law Review's staff of eighty editors.After graduating with a Juris Doctor (J.D.) magna cum laude from Harvard in 1991, he returned to Chicago.He served from 1994 to 2002 on the board of directors of the Woods Fund of Chicago, and also from 1994 to 2002 on the board of directors of The Joyce Foundation.Obama was elected to the Illinois Senate in 1996, In January 2003, Obama became chairman of the Illinois Senate's Health and Human Services Committee. He resigned from the Illinois Senate in November 2004 following his election to the US Senate. 巴拉克•侯赛因•奥巴马，出生于1961年8月4日，是代表美国伊利诺州的联邦参议员，2008年美国总统选举民主党候选人。
1983年在哥伦比亚大学取得学士学位后，奥巴马在“国际商务集团”和“纽约公共利益研究所”工作了一年。
1985年，他迁往芝加哥，并在之后的三年主持了一个社区发展计划。
奥巴马于1988年底进入哈佛法学院。
第一年年末，奥巴马凭借其出色的成绩和在一次论文比赛中脱颖而出，被选为《哈佛法律评论》的编辑。
1990年2月，他被选为该学术期刊的主席，任全职主编，手下有八名编辑。
1991年，奥巴马在哈佛大学获得了“极优等”（拉丁文的学位荣誉，magna cum laude）法学士的学位，并回到芝加哥。
1994年至2002年，奥巴马分别在芝加哥森林基金会和乔伊斯基金会的董事会任职过一段时间。
1996年，奥巴马进入政坛，当选伊利诺斯州参议员。
2003年1月，奥巴马被选为伊利诺斯州卫生公共服务委员会主席。
2004年11月，他在国会选举中当选伊利诺斯州联邦参议员。
2008年11月，当选为首位非洲裔美国总统。
跪求一首慷慨激昂的背景音乐。
七剑战歌，征服天堂，可以先试听，满意请采纳我
我们要朗诵《追逐梦想》，有什么慷慨激昂的音乐么
写文章有 开始 发展 高潮 音乐也是一样刚开始候不能激 后面激烈 如果开始激烈的话 咱们受得了 那些70后 60后听了受不了所以我挑的一些歌 都是前面很清 后面开始激烈summer --久石让 （这个音乐很轻，适合部分演讲稿吧）luv letter-- dj okawari（纯钢琴曲，特点就是节奏 从慢变快）flower dance --dj okawari（纯钢琴曲，特点是有一小节，很多人觉得很好听）theory of Eternity --ゲーム·ミュージック（节奏是日本动漫歌曲节奏 快 个人觉得拿着个做背景音乐 得有首歌在他前面）down by the salley garden --藤田惠美（悲伤的演讲用这个）故宫之神思--神思者 （脑子里想历代王朝的宫殿，感觉这个最适合历史演讲，不知道你可不可以跟你演讲稿配起来）silk road fantasy --喜多郎（感觉这音乐，让人有点想象力吧，想象歌曲意境）孙文与庆龄--喜多郎（你要感叹日本的音乐大师，不受文化约束，喜欢中国某个人就用音乐表达）dance of sarasvati--喜多郎（有点清晨的感觉 有点中东歌曲的感觉）それが大事--大事MANブラザーズバンド（大家听着会感觉我听过这个歌）骑在银龙的背上 中岛美雪（日本歌的一个特点， 有点想来到未来的感觉）kiroro 未来へ（日本歌，一部分女生肯定喜欢听，因为听过）残酷な天使のテーゼ 高桥洋子 （日本动漫，挺激情）heros theme 士兵突击（这个音乐做演讲的人不少）reason 高达（日本动漫）level5-judgelight --fripside (日本动漫 虽然很激情 但感觉还是 歌曲混搭这放进去好）每首歌听足1分钟 不然对不起我打那么多字 不够还有
