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读后感黑人歧视

时间:2013-06-29 13:57

黑人基恩的故事读后感

么?过去我还真不清可是,现在,我读了《黑人》这篇文章,心里对自信有了清晰的认识,而且知道了自信对于一个人成长的重要性。

它通过一个小故事告诉我:一个人要正确认识自己,了解自己的性格优势与不足,要学会扬长避短有助于形成自己独特的自信心。

  法国教育家卢梭曾说过:“自信心对于事业简直是一种奇迹,有了它,你的才干便可以取之不尽用之不竭;一个没有自信的人,无论他有多大才能,也不会抓住一个机会。

”自信,就是一个人对自己能够达到某种目标的乐观充分的估计。

拥有充分自信心的人往往不屈不挠、奋发向上,因而比一般人更易获得各方面的成功。

可以说,自信意味着已成功了一半。

  然而,缺乏自信的人仍随处可见。

研究显示,人们之所以缺乏自信、甚至自卑,原因很多,但有一点可以肯定:这完全是后天形成的,与先天无关。

因此,可以这么说,是人们自己把自己搞得没了自信,从而影响了自己的成功与前途。

  美国著名心理医生基恩博士常跟病人讲起小时候他经历过的一件触动心灵的故事:一天,几个白人小孩正在公园里玩,这时,一位卖氢气球的老人推着货车进了公园。

白人小孩一窝蜂地跑了过去,每人买了一个,兴高采烈地追逐着放飞在天空中的色彩艳丽的氢气球。

在公园的一个角落里躺着一个黑人小孩,他羡慕地看着白人小孩在嬉笑,他不敢过去和他们一起玩,因为自卑。

白人小孩的身影消失后,他才怯生生地走到老人的货车旁,用略带恳求的语气问道:您可以卖一个气球给我吗?老人用慈祥的目光打量了一下他,温和地说:当然可以。

你要一个什么颜色的? 小孩鼓起勇气回答说:我要一个黑色的。

脸上写满沧桑的老人惊诧地看了看小孩,旋即给了他一个黑色的氢气球。

小孩开心地拿过气球,小手一松,黑气球在微风中冉冉升起,在蓝天白云的映衬下形成了一道别致的风景。

老人一边眯着眼睛看着气球上升,一边用手轻轻地拍了拍小孩的后脑勺,说:记住,气球能不能升起,不是因为客观存在的颜色、形状,而是气球内充满了氢气;一个人的成败不是因为种族、出身,关键是你的心中有没有自信。

那个黑人小孩便是基恩。

  人的一生没有一帆风顺的坦途。

当你面对失败而优柔寡断,当动摇自信而怨天尤人,当你错失机遇而自暴自弃的时候……你是否会思考:我的自信心呢?其实,自信心就在我们的心中!只要你拥有自信,只要你在不如意时想到自信,自信心就是一种立竿见影特效药,定会医治内心的伤痛。

无论你面前是铺满鲜花的幽径,还是荆棘丛生的山谷,你都应勇敢地走下去。

要知道痛苦的进取同样会带来自信,只有信心百倍地去追求、去奋斗、去拼搏,才会抓住幸运的机遇,不会留下终身遗憾。

朋友,相信自己吧,满怀信心地走完漫长的人生之旅吧!

白人歧视黑人,也歧视黄种人,其实黑人也歧视黄种人,不知道你们知不知道

应该是仇视黄种人,因为黄种人在科有超越白可能白人从心里有点恐惧吧

一部分黄种人的科技人才学成后就回国了,对美国没有认同感,就造成人才流失,所以才会迫害暗杀一些华人科学家

黑人歧视黄种人,是因为他们太懒,工作被黄种人抢走了,所以憎恨。

对黑人歧视的看法及感受{英文的}

我有一个梦想,有点长,而且非常出名,I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable Rights of Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds.But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, When will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.?This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,From every mountainside, let freedom ring!And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies ofPennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:Free at last! free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

对美国的种族歧视问题有什么感想

1. 自己的祖国强大了国侨民在国外有地位,就会受到尊重。

2. 是历史事情。

现在的美国,除了南部极少数保守势力仍然有的观念,大部分美国人逐渐平等对待每一个民族和种族。

3.有些美国人讨厌外国人,是道德观念、生活习惯甚至是英语口音上的问题,而不是出于民族歧视的心理。

4..有些种族或者民族境况不是那么好,是由于历史等原因造成的经济不平等,而不是出身不平等,不是出自的心理。

5. 奋发图强,建设自己的国家,为自己也是为别人。

现在的美国还有种族歧视吗?他们对黑人还是那么烦感吗?

有的啊!

被黑人种族歧视是怎样一种感觉

在学校同学都很好的,我觉得还是看教度吧。

被学校食堂的黑人大妈们歧视过,我就是忘拿酱了回去要了一下,他们就看着我嘴里嘟囔着谁让你随便拿的。

但是看到别的黑人同学就是一口一个baby我没感觉,一想想他们终其一生只能困在这个地方,拿着最低工资,grocery只去沃尔玛买标记great value的食物,回到ghetto的家抽抽大麻,晚上隔音太差睡不好,偶尔还要担心屋外的枪声,我也懒得跟他们计较了。

再讲一个有趣的,他们自己歧视自己的,有一次跟另外两个女生从学校出发去佛罗里达,坐飞机,原本要送我们的那个人时候突然去不了了,我们急忙打了个uber,是个黑人小哥,我们路上就跟他说你能不能稍微快一点儿。

那个黑人小哥说:I have three Asian girls sitting in my speeding car, if the police pull me over, you’ll never make it to the airport today.潜在意识是,一个黑人车开得那么快里面还坐着三个亚洲女孩,要是警察让我停下一定彻彻底底调查我,那你们今天就别想去机场了。

关于黑人种族歧视的故事

美国总统承认,依然在美国徘徊。

美国前总统也承认种族偏见仍然存在。

之所以出现这种现象,有其历史和现实的原因。

1 存在制度化的 美国问题的存在是其制度化发展至今的必然产物。

从总统开始,便致力于黑人权利立法。

到总统执政时期,最终从法律上取消了种族主义。

因而在今天的美国,虽然合法的与隔离被取消了,但制度化的种族主义却丝毫未减。

绝大多数黑人因肤色被剥夺了享有与白人同等待遇的权利。

时至今日,“黑人应在社会底层”一类思想并非没有市场。

决策者们把解决问题的着眼点定位于改变广大黑人的文化、行为、道德,而不是消除其穷困窘境本身。

这就是说,在制定该项政策之前,就已对黑人的文化、行为、道德作了彻底否定,这便决定了的黑人政策无法摆脱种族主义的影响。

白人为什么歧视黑人

[我有一个梦想读后感]对于马丁·路德·金的初步印象是在外语书里,我有一个梦想读后感.初三的统编教材忘了是什么单元的阅读里讲的是他遇刺的事情.当时,我还不知到马丁·路德·金到底是干什么的?直到前几个月他的遗孀去世,全美为其祭奠的时候,我才在媒体上才了解到他的生平.1929年1月15日,马丁·路德·金出生于佐治亚州亚特兰大城.他在幸福的家庭里长大,聪明而富有创见.马丁青年时期就攻读神学,先后就读于宾夕法尼亚大学、哈佛大学和波士顿大学的神学院.当他在美国北方求学时,他惊奇地发现,他可以自由地和白人学生交谈和往来,并可任意进入城里的餐厅和戏院,这在南方是严格禁止的,即使在比较自由的亚特兰大也毫不例外.他后来回忆说:黑人和白人之间的这种健康关系,这使我们相信可以和许多的人结成同盟.……我原先对整个白色人种抱憎恨态度,但当我接触白人愈多,我的这种愤懑情绪也就有所缓和,代之而起的是一种合作精神.1955年12月5日,在历来歧视黑人的蒙哥马利市,发生了一件惊人的事:在一辆公共汽车上,一位叫做萝莎·派克斯的黑人妇女,拒绝把座位让给一名白人乘客.她并不是要挑起纠纷,只是当时两腿酸痛,需要坐一会,所以才没有让座.这种大逆不道的行为在亚拉马州是决不能容忍的.派克斯太太不让座的这点疏忽,当然不能为白人所容,她被逮捕判刑了.消息传出,激怒了沉默地忍受一切的黑人社会.马丁更是义愤填膺,他和一些有影响的黑人商人和牧师,决定行动起来.他们要求黑人拒乘公共汽车24小时,并要求公共汽车公司礼貌服务和保证乘客乘车到达目的地,但汽车公司拒绝了这些合理要求.这就更加激起黑人群众的愤怒,蒙哥马利全市五万黑人团结一致坚持抵制运动.黑人领袖们组成了蒙哥马利争取改善黑人待遇协会,选举马丁为协会会长.马丁在长达385天的抵制公共汽车运动中,不畏威胁和谩骂,也不顾住宅被扔进炸弹.他不屈不挠地领导着运动,使黑人群众士气始终昂扬.一位黑人步行者说:我虽然两腿发酸,我的心却得到安慰.斗争最后获得胜利.通过这场斗争,马丁一跃成为全国的知名人士.他规定了这个运动的中心指导思想:我们所采取的方式,必须是以理服人而不是使用暴力.仁爱必须是我们的指导思想.他的这些想法得到广大黑人群众的支持.这个胜利的消息在南方各州不胫而走,鼓励了黑人群众在公共汽车、商店和其他公共设施里展开反对种族隔离的活动.人们到处要求马丁在他的组织中挂一个名,并以非暴力方式指导他们的行动.马丁也慷慨地答应了,但结果他往往因此被抓捕坐牢.他曾三次被捕,三次坐牢,但这也是他斗争策略的一部分.1956年,南方60多个抗议团体联合起来,成立了黑人牧师组织南方基督教领袖大会.马丁当选为首任主席.这个组织负责制订行动计划,并开办了一个专门训练反暴力战士的学校.虽说是非暴力的,但有些示威是流血的和惊心动魄的.马丁和白人种族主义者作斗争是十分讲究策略的,他每次选择的战场总是可能引起当局做出灵敏反应的地方,读后感《我有一个梦想读后感》.他知道,当观众在电视屏幕上看到警察用高压水龙头冲击手无寸铁的群众、放出警犬咬伤女人和孩子们的时候,心里会产生什么样的效果.果然,社会舆论大哗.这迫使美国总统肯尼迪在1963年春的国会上提出了民权法案,这个法案后来在1968年获得通过.1963年8月,马丁参加组织美国25万黑人自由进军华盛顿的示威游行,群众高呼:争取就业!争取自由!他在林肯纪念堂发表了震动人心的演说.他说:我有一个梦想,那就是,有朝一日,在佐治亚的雷德丘陵,昔日奴隶之子将能像兄弟那样,坐在一起.他为这一梦想做出了努力.这一年美国《时代》周刊选他为第一号新闻人物.1964年他获得诺贝尔和平奖金.这年他35岁,是这项奖金最年轻的获得者.他从奥斯陆接受和平奖金归国时,受到群众的热烈欢迎.在亚特兰大举行的金博士宴会上,各行各业的白人和黑人在宴会上齐声高唱我们一定胜利的歌曲,实际上是向种族主义者显示自己的力量1965年1月,马丁在亚拉巴马州组织了示威群众为争取黑人选举权的斗争,这场斗争发生了流血事件.马丁被捕入狱,不久获释.这次斗争取得了成功,它促使该州通过了选举权法案,还吸引了许多自由主义的白人参加到斗争行列中来.1968年4月4日,美国黑人民权运动领导人马丁·路德·金在田纳西州孟菲斯市的洛兰汽车旅馆二楼他卧室外的阳台上被枪杀.当时,他正倚著阳台的栏杆,同民权运动的领导们——霍西·威廉斯、杰西·杰克逊和拉尔夫·阿伯南西在一起.他的失去,是世界民权运动的极大损失,也是世界黑人和全世界向往自由的人的一大损失!提到马丁·路德·金,就不能不提到他的演讲《我有一个梦想》,于1963年8月28日在华盛顿大型和平示威集会上发表的.听众多达20多万.这篇演说词回顾了林肯解放黑奴的历史,揭露了黑人当时的悲惨生活现实.更用大量的篇幅憧憬了黑人自由与美好的未来.听众无不为之自由之声而感到震撼,这篇演讲稿也随之一举成名.毕竟,翻译是一种非常困难的工作,同时由于翻译是一种网眼很粗的过滤器,经过这道过滤,马丁那富有多情色彩和表现力的语言无疑失去了很多韵味.但英语和汉语一样,具有文笔优美的特征.马丁语言真切,言辞铿锵;运用了两种语言共有的对偶、排比、层递、反复等修辞方法.句式长短结合,又以短语为主.词语与口头语言相结合,雅俗共赏,充分展示了语言之美.英语毕竟是另一种语言,他所表达的形式自然与汉语不同.全文充分运用同位语从句,几乎每说我有一个梦想,后面跟的都是该从句;它的时态以现在时为主,但中文中无法表现出时态;此篇文章充分运用了非谓语动词做主语、宾语、定语及状语.表现出了作者的深厚文学工底.马丁·路德·金可以说是一位伟大的和平主义者,他的贡献不可否认.但从历史的角度来讲,他的努力不能说是付诸东流,也是见效甚微.60多年后的今天,黑人依然生活在物质充裕的海洋中的一个穷困的孤岛上,被白人所歧视.马丁·路德·金主张以非暴力方式解决问题,看来是行不通的.当年的抗日战争,如果中国人也用非暴力方式解决问题的话,中国早就灭亡了!纵观历史,当年的圣雄甘地同样主张用非暴力方式把英国人驱逐出自己的土地,结果还是通过暴力战争的方式获得了独立.作为流亡者的黑人,为什么不拿起手中的武器与百人抗争到底!直到现在,黑人依然没有实现他们的梦想,因为他们没有勇气去与白人斗争.今天,钓鱼岛问题与东海问题一样是悬在我们面前的问题.谈判还是以武力镇压,答案不言而谕.  〔我有一个梦想读后感〕随文赠言:【这世上的一切都借希望而完成,农夫不会剥下一粒玉米,如果他不曾希望它长成种粒;单身汉不会娶妻,如果他不曾希望有孩子;商人也不会去工作,如果他不曾希望因此而有收益.】

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