关于命运的演讲稿
事实告诉我们，能够把握自己的人，就是胜利者! 试想一下一个连主观意识都没有的人如何成就事业，如何创造未来?他只会跪拜在胜利者的膝下，却还被愚昧牵制着喉咙，高喊着：战胜者和降伏者只有一步之遥，而我就在胜利的彼岸!但社会是现实的，是会鉴别黄金和沙子的，要形成自己独立的想法，不模仿任何人，自己就是自己! 只有这样，他才能把持自己人生轨道的运行方向，不随波逐流，成为命运或是环境的奴隶!事实上，大多数人所度过的一生都是无意义无目标的一生，他们是日复一日，年复一年地打点光阴。
在自己所建造的牢房中迷惘，焦躁。
如同深海中漫无目飘摇的水母。
人生的失败者，在其一生中从未达到自我解放，从未给过给自己以人身自由的决断。
在放生之后，这些可怜又可悲的笼中鸟儿也只能展展双翅，最终坠落于空虚的沼泽地，糜烂、腐化。
曾经在上帝的审判室中，有一灵魂得以召见。
你真应该下地狱!上帝对他说。
这人却喊道：你不能送我下地狱。
上帝想了一会，又说：你真应该上天堂!你也不能送我上天堂!为什么?上帝面带愠色。
因为你根本只是一个愚昧无知的东西，只会每天找出虚构的借口来遮掩自己的本质，上天堂，下地狱，都是我自己的事，我就是自己的上帝! 一旦掌握了真正的航海技术，即使风浪来的更猛、更大又何妨?明确了目标，自己就是哥伦布! 学会把握自己，学会成为自己未来的主人而不是奴隶。
未来的齿轮在我们自己的手中。
用意志去踏平一片荆棘之地。
任何环境因素都改变不了的斗志就是志气，任何火焰都焚烧不尽的志气的内蕴就是对于自己理想抱负的执着。
告诉自己，那里就是我要战胜的下一片高地。
高声试问--有几根侠骨经得起揉搓! 所以我们要经得起考验，在困难面前，把握好自己，坚定信念度过难关，迎来人生的灿烂辉煌!
求有关于高达seed destiny以基拉融入地球联合为主题的演讲稿
没有的演讲吧
只有和演讲过啊
特急
一片主题为NewLife,NewDream的演讲稿
I have remembered the first day I went to my high school ,entered a strange campus with an empty bag ,then I told to myself this is the beginning of my university dream. Three years later ,backed with my traveling bag ,full of happiness ,I steped into my university campus, to find my another sky, when the first day I entered the institute of foreign languages ,I told to myself again ,this is the new beginning of my life .By The Yongjiang Lake we pursued the ideal ,by The Zhenhai Coast we released for flighting the hope .The sail of the ideal sets sailing from here ,our dreams fly upwards from here !Harbors a dream,harbors an enthusiasm ,harbors a rigid ,light the spark of hope with youth! The road is under the foot ,the dream is in the front ,stride forwards ,compose the new magnificence of our life with wisdom and youth!In this value multiplication ,economical globalization time, we have the reasons to let the thoughts have depth ,let the lives have altitude, let the knowledges have width .Facing the challenge and the competition from future ,we not only need knowledge but more wisdom :we not only need ability ,but need more personal character ,stand in a new altitude ,examine the self-value carefully with the new angle ,examine the multi-dimensional world, examine the hundred conditions in life .Some people said that how wide the heart has how big the stage has ,Today ,I come for the dream ,come for tomorrow,come for hope :Tomorrow ,we will be the leaders of the big stage of social ,will become the control of this world .The life is a Marathon Match ,no ending ,only the beginning .The new beginning likes a cool breeze, blow off the haze in our heart: The new beginning like drizzle ,wash the dust in our heart ,the new beginning like a key ,open the brand-new chapter in our life .The destiny is not a noun ,but is a verb ;the destiny is not a thought ,is motion ,the destiny is not the waiting ,but is the assurance. Today ,we do not lack the ideal ,but lacks motion.The new beginning opens the new hope ,the new beginnning load bearing new dream, the new beginning breeds the new life ,let's stand in the new beginning ,grasp today ,achieve bright future !That's all ,Thank you!
世界著名的励志演讲稿
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. 今天，我高兴地同大家一参加这次将成为我国历史上争取自由而举行的最伟示威集会。
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。
这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。
100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。
100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。
100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。
所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable Rights of Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds. 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。
我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。
这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。
然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。
美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. 但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。
我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。
因此，我们来兑现这张支票。
这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。
现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。
现在是实现民主诺言的时候。
现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。
现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。
现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。
自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。
1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。
如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。
在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. 反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。
在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。
我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。
我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。
我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。
我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。
他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。
We cannot walk alone. 我们不能单独行动。
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. 当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。
We cannot turn back. 我们不能后退。
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, When will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. 有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意
”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。
只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。
只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。
只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。
只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。
不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。
你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。
有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。
你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。
继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。
回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。
要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. 我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。
朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。
这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. 我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。
” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. 我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. 我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。
I have a dream today! 我今天怀有一个梦。
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. 我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。
I have a dream today! 我今天怀有一个梦。
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.? 我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. 这是我们的希望。
这是我将带回南方去的信念。
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. 有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。
有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。
有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: 到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌： My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. 我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, 这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方， From every mountainside, let freedom ring! 让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. 如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. 因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰
But not only that: 不，不仅如此； Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. 让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘
From every mountainside, let freedom ring. 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: 当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。
那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌： Free at last! free at last! “终于自由了
终于自由了
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了
” （希望对你有用，但是生词标音就有点难了，哪几个使你的生词
）
一篇关于梦想的演讲稿
II HAVE A DREAM By Dr. Martin L. King Jr. [Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963] I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. . . . . I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed; we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. I have a dream, that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that. Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring! And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last. The End “I Have a Dream” and “Nonviolent Resistance” by Martin Luther King Jr. are similar in their use of evidence from the Bible, religion, Negro spiritualism, highly regarded people, respected documents, abstract concepts, and in their use of balanced phrases and correct sentence structure, but they differ in their narrative voice, audience, word choice, and use of literary devices. Although “Nonviolent Resistance” and “I Have a Dream” both use evidence from the Bible, religion, Negro spiritualism, and highly regarded people, “I Have a Dream” makes more use of historical documents. Both essays make extensive use of religious and biblical evidence. For example, “Nonviolent Resistance” relates the biblical account of Moses who led the escape of the Israelites from slavery, to demonstrate that people sometimes prefer “acquiescence” to the struggle for freedom. It also includes a quotation from the Bible where Jesus told Peter, “Put up your sword,” to build support for King’s stance against violent resistance. “Nonviolent Resistance” also includes religious and biblical references to concepts of morality and immorality, love and hatred, “his brother’s keeper,” and “an eye for an eye,” in ways to show that non-violent resistance is preferable to acquiescence or violent resistance. Although “I Have a Dream” does not relate any specific biblical account, it too makes extensive use of biblical and religious evidence. For example, it elevates the promise of racial equality to a “sacred obligation” and views the place where Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation as a “hallowed spot.” To show that a non-segregated America is the ideal, this essay describes the proper basis of American society as “the solid rock of brotherhood.” The phrases “all of God’s children” and “Jews and Gentiles” are included to emphasize that all Americans should help black people win their freedom, and that everyone will benefit when King’s dream of racial freedom is realized. Religious overtones are maintained when the essay describes how the “faith that unearned suffering is redemptive” enables blacks to endure the “persecution” and “trials and tribulations” of segregation. The wording of paragraph eighteen, which includes the phrase, “the glory of the Lord shall be revealed,” uses biblical phraseology to describe a racially integrated America. In paragraph nineteen, the essay repeatedly uses the word “faith” to validate King’s hope for equality and freedom. Blacks who rely on “soul force” and “pray” to overcome resistance will eventually be able to “thank God Almighty” for their newfound freedom. Both essays use evidence drawn from Negro spiritualism. “Nonviolent Resistance” graphically explains why blacks give up their fight against segregation by quoting a Negro guitarist who sang, “Ben down so long that down don’t bother me.” “I Have a Dream,” on the other hand, expresses the joy that racial freedom will bring to all Negroes by quoting words from an old African American spiritual song, “Free at last! free at last: thank God almighty, we are free at last!” Well known people also appear as sources of evidence in these essays. For example, in “Nonviolent Resistance,” King refers to a passage from Shakespeare’s writing to reinforce his contention that some people prefer a familiar bondage to the unknowns of freedom. Perhaps on a more personal level, he uses the example of the well-known Jewish leader, Moses, to point out that people may blame their leader for troubles encountered during the struggle for freedom. “I Have a Dream” refers to Abraham Lincoln as “a great American” who helped to create “a great beacon of hope” for Negro slaves, but does not actually name him. This discretionary use of evidence keeps the focus of the essay clearly on King’s dream. Both essays base arguments on respected documents. “Nonviolent Resistance” relies on the respect granted to Hegel’s writings when it introduces “non-violent resistance” as “[l]ike the synthesis of Hegelian philosophy. . . .” That reference helps promote the legitimacy of this option. In “I Have a Dream,” the “Emancipation Declaration,” the American Constitution, the “Declaration of Independence,” and a patriotic song support King’s argument that all people are equal. Finally, both essays advance their theses by using abstract concepts such as “justice,” “injustice,” “hatred,” “freedom,” and “obligation.” In addition, “Nonviolent Resistance” uses the concepts “immoral,” “conscience,” “moral strength,” “noble,” and “love” to show that non-violent resistance is superior to violence and acquiescence, while “I Have a Dream” describes the “bitterness,” “suffering,” “oppression,” and “despair” that result from segregation, while extolling the “tranquility” and “brotherhood” that will ensue once “gradualism,” “interposition,” and “nullification” are overcome by people who have “faith.” The essays differ in their narrative voice and audience while using balanced phrases and correct sentence structure; however, “Nonviolent Resistance” contains simpler words and fewer metaphors than does “I Have a Dream.” “Nonviolent Resistance” is written in the third person, addressing an audience consisting of each individual “Negro.” In contrast, “I Have a Dream,” written in the first person, uses the words “us,” “we,” and “our” to address Negroes as a group. “Nonviolent Resistance” employs the balanced phrases “monologue rather than dialogue” and “not against the oppressor but against oppression.” In “I Have a Dream,” the first two lines of paragraph nine consist of a succession of balanced phrases. The phrases, “meeting physical force with soul force” and “their destiny is tied up with our destiny” in paragraph six are also balanced. Both essays use formal vocabulary; however, “Nonviolent Resistance” explains more of its difficult words than does “I Have a Dream.” For example, “I Have a Dream” leaves unexplained the words “symbolic,” “momentous,” “languishing,” “dramatize,” “architects,” “gradualism,” “interposition,” “nullification,” “symphony,” “curvaceous,” “prodigious,” “underestimate,” “invigorating,” and “tranquility.” Both essays use literary devices, but “I Have a Dream” uses metaphors far more extensively. “Nonviolent Resistance” personifies the undisturbed “conscience of the oppressor” as a person asleep, and it metaphorically describes the results of violence as “a desolate night of bitterness.” In addition, it uses a metaphor to compare the attraction of public support for non-violent resistance to magnetic attraction. “I Have a Dream” uses similes to compare “justice” to “waters” that roll down, and “righteousness” to “a mighty stream.” It also uses similes to compare “the Emancipation Declaration” to “a great beacon light” and “a joyous daybreak.” In addition, “I Have a Dream” utilizes a great number of rich metaphors. In the first paragraph, it uses metaphors to compare Negro slavery to a “long night,” and the injustice slaves suffered to being “seared in . . . flames.” The second paragraph metaphorically describes “the life of the Negro” as being “crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.” Metaphors continue to be used to portray the Negroes’ situation as being an “island of poverty in . . . a vast ocean of material prosperity.” The third and fourth paragraphs contain an extended metaphor comparing the promises of freedom in the “Constitution and the Declaration of Independence” to a “bad check” drawn on the “bank of justice.” “[O]pportunity” is compared to “vaults” in a bank, “freedom” to money, and “justice” to “security.” Metaphors are also used to compare “segregation” to a “dark and desolate valley,” “gradualism” to “tranquillizing drugs,” “racial justice” to a “sunlit path,” “racial injustice” to “quicksands,” and “brotherhood” to a “solid rock.” In paragraph five, Negro “discontent” is “sweltering summer,” and Negro determination is expressed in terms of “whirlwinds” that will continue until “the bright day of justice” when “freedom and equality” arrive as “an invigorating autumn.” “Justice” is metaphorically described as a “palace” in paragraph six. Desire for freedom is a “thirst,” that could be satisfied by “drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.” In the following paragraphs, the metaphor for “persecution” is “storms,” for “despair,” it is a “valley” or a “mountain,” and for “hope,” it is a “stone.” “I Have a Dream” concludes with a metaphor, maintained over the last seven paragraphs, that compares “freedom” to a bell that will “ring” from all parts of America when everyone is “free at last!” 前面是马丁路德金的著名演讲稿，后面是引用别人的，如需要马丁路德金的演讲（mp3格式），可联系我
