曼德拉和三个狱警的故事
那三个狱警分别是格里高、·和•格瑞格,是当年做牢时,监狱里专门看守他的狱警,这仨人在监狱里还虐待过,后来出狱当上总统后,这仨人还收到了曼德拉亲自签署的就职仪式邀请函,并当场原谅了他们.
人物曼德拉介绍
纳尔逊·罗利拉拉·曼（英语：Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela，1918年7月18日－），生于南非特兰斯凯任南非总统，也是透过全面代议制民主选举所选出的首任南非元首，于1994年至1999年间执政。
在他任职总统前，曼德拉是积极的反种族隔离人士，同时也是非洲国民大会的武装组织民族之矛（Umkhonto we Sizwe）的领袖。
当曼德拉领导反种族隔离运动时，南非法院以密谋推翻政府等罪名将他定罪。
依据判决，曼德拉在牢中服刑了27年，其中大多数的日子在罗本岛度过。
他现为着名的政界元老，持续对时事话题发表他的见解。
在南非，他普遍被昵称为马迪巴（Madiba），其是曼德拉家族中长辈对他的荣誉头衔。
这个称谓也变成了纳尔逊·曼德拉的同义词。
1990年2月11日出狱后，曼德拉转而支持调解与协商，并在推动多元族群民主的过渡期挺身领导南非。
自种族隔离制度终结以来，曼德拉受到了来自各界的赞许，包括从前的反对者。
曼德拉在40年来获得了超过一百项奖项，其中最显着的便是1993年的诺贝尔和平奖。
曼德拉是腾布王朝（Thembu）非长子家族的一员，其统治南非开普省的特兰斯凯地区。
他出生于牡韦佐，一个坐落于特兰斯凯首府阿姆塔塔一带的小村庄。
他的父系曾祖父努班库卡（Ngubengcuka，逝于1832年），以国王（Inkosi Enkhulu）之姿统治着腾布人。
国王的其中一个儿子，名为曼德拉，成了纳尔逊的祖父，也是他的姓氏的由来。
然而，由于他的母亲来自于伊克斯伊巴家族（Ixhiba，所谓的“左方王室”），因此依照传统，他的后裔并没有资格继承腾布的王位。
曼德拉的父亲葛德拉·汉瑞·孟伐肯伊斯瓦（Gadla Henry Mphakanyiswa），在牡韦佐城镇担任部落酋长。
然而，由于与殖民当局之间的格格不入，他们夺去了孟伐肯伊斯瓦的地位，并将他的家族移至库努。
尽管如此，孟伐肯伊斯瓦仍然是国王的枢密院的一员，担任琼金塔巴·达林岱波（Jongintaba Dalindyebo）登上腾布王位的要角。
早年生活纳尔逊曼德拉成为他们家族中唯一上过学的成员。
他小学的启蒙教师给他取了个名字叫纳尔逊。
当曼德拉9岁的时候，他父亲死于肺结核。
部落中的摄政王成为他的监护人，曼德拉于是就到离开父亲王宫不远的韦斯里安教会学校上课。
按照腾布的习惯，他从16岁开始受业，并克拉克布瑞学员，曼德拉用了二年完成了惯常需要三年完成的初中学业。
因为他父亲的地位，他被指定为王朝的继任者。
19岁，他开始对拳击感兴趣，并且开始经营这个学校。
在被录用后，曼德拉开始在福特哈尔大学上学。
在这里，他遇到了奥利弗坦波，坦波成为曼德拉一生的好朋友、好同事。
在曼德拉大学生涯第一年，他卷入了学生会抵制学校不合理政策的活动。
他被勒令退学，并被告知除非接受学生会的选举结果，不然不能再回到学校。
此后，曼德拉只有在监狱时才获得了伦敦大学的函授法学学位。
在离开福特哈尔不久，曼德拉就安排和腾布家族的继承人一起结婚。
这个年轻人显然不满足于这种包办婚姻。
他选择逃避，离开了家乡来到了约翰内斯堡。
刚一到约堡，他就在一个煤矿找到了一份保安的职业。
不过，当矿场老板发现曼德拉是逃亡的贵族后就迅速解雇了他。
随后，曼德拉在约翰内斯堡的一家律师事务所找到了一个文书工作，在此期间，曼德拉在南非大学通过函授修完了他的学士学位，在此之后，他开始在约翰内斯堡金山大学学习法律，在这里，他遇到了他此后反种族隔离时的同志，乔斯洛沃、哈里斯沃兹以及鲁斯福斯特，斯洛沃最终成为曼德拉当政时期的建设部长，斯沃兹成为了南非驻美国大使，在此期间，曼德拉住在位于约翰内斯堡北部的亚力克山德拉镇。
政治生涯自由时期1948年，由布尔人当政的南非国民党取得了大选的胜利，这个党派支持种族隔离政策。
曼德拉开始积极地投身政治，他在1952年的非国大反抗运动和1955年的人民议会中起到了领导作用，这些运动的基础就是自由宪章。
于此同时，曼德拉和他的律师所同事奥利弗坦波开设了曼德拉坦波律师事务所，为请不起辩护律师的黑人提供免费或者低价的法律咨询服务。
1958年9月2日，亨德里克·弗伦施·维沃尔德出任南非首相，其于执政期间出台了“班图斯坦法”，此举将1000余万非洲黑人仅仅限制在12。
5％的南非国土中，并且同时在国内实行强化通行证制度，此举激化了南非黑人与白人的冲突，最终导致了沙佩韦尔惨案的发生。
1960年3月21日，南非军警在沙佩维尔向正在进行示威游行的五千名抗议示威者射击，惨案共导致了69人死亡，180人受伤，曼德拉也因此被捕入狱，但是最后通过在法庭辩论上为自己的辩护，而无罪释放。
1961年9月，曼德拉创建了非国大军事组织：“民族之矛”（Umkhonto we Sizwe）并任总司令。
入狱时期1962年8月，在美国中情局的帮助之下，曼德拉被南非种族隔离政权逮捕入狱，当时政府以“煽动”罪和“非法越境”罪判处曼德拉5年监禁，自此，曼德拉开始了他长达27年的“监狱生涯”。
比勒陀利亚地方监狱1962年10月15日，曼德拉被关押到比勒陀利亚地方监狱。
在那里，曼德拉为了争取自身利益而遭到单独关押，关押时间一日长达23小时，每天只有上午和下午各半个小时的活动时间。
在单独关押室中没有自然光线，没有任何书写物品，一切与外部隔绝。
最终，曼德拉放弃了自己的一些权利，他希望能够与他人交流。
囚禁罗本岛1964年6月，南非政府以“企图以暴力推翻政府”罪判处正在服刑的曼德拉终生监禁，当年他被转移到罗本岛上。
罗本岛是1960年代中期到1991年那段时间内南非最大的秘密监狱，岛上曾关押过大批黑人政治犯。
曼德拉在罗本岛的狱室只有4。
5平方米，在这里他受到了非人的待遇。
罗本岛上的囚犯被狱卒们逼迫到岛上的采石场做苦工。
在岛上，曼德拉希望监狱方面同意他在监狱的院子里开辟出一块菜园，监狱方面多次拒绝，但是最终还是同意了曼德拉的要求。
在岛上，曼德拉依然坚持着身体锻炼，例如在牢房中跑步，做俯卧撑进行锻炼。
1982年，曼德拉离开了罗本岛，他被转移到波尔斯摩尔监狱。
自此，曼德拉结束了自己在罗本岛长达18年的囚禁。
波尔斯穆尔监狱1982年，曼德拉被转移回离别18年之久的非洲大陆，他被关押在开普敦的波尔斯穆尔监狱。
他在这里也开辟了一片菜园，并且种了将近900株植物。
1984年5月，官方允许曼德拉与其夫人进行“接触性”探视，当他的夫人听到这个消息时认为曼德拉可能生病了，当两人进行探视时，他们互相拥抱在一起，曼德拉说：“这么多年以来，这是我第一次吻抱我的妻子。
算起来，我已经有21年没有碰过我夫人的手了。
”重获自由南非在实行种族隔离后期那段时间内，受到了国际社会的严厉制裁，这一切最终导致南非于1990年解除隔离，实现民族和解。
1990年2月10日， 南非总统德克勒克宣布无条件释放曼德拉，1990年2月11日，在监狱中度过了27年的曼德拉终于重获自由。
当日，他前往了索韦托足球场，向12万人发表了他着名的“出狱演说”。
1993年10月15日，挪威诺贝尔委员会宣布，将1993年的诺贝尔和平奖授予曼德拉和当时的南非总统德克勒克。
委员会称：“曼德拉和德克勒克为消除南非种族歧视作出了贡献，他们的努力为在南非建立民主政权奠定了基础。
”1994年5月9日，在南非首次的多种族大选结果揭晓后，曼德拉成为南非历史上首位黑人总统。
1997年12月，曼德拉辞去非国大主席一职，并表示不会参加1999年6月的总统选举。
除了1993年获得诺贝尔和平奖以外，曼德拉还与1991年获得联合国教科文组织颁发的“乌弗埃－博瓦尼争取和平奖”；1998年9月美国国会颁发的美国“国会金奖”以及2000年8月南部非洲发展共同体颁发的“卡马”勋章。
1997年12月，曼德拉辞去南非非国大主席一职，并表示不再参加1999年6月的总统竞选。
1999年5月，曼德拉总统应邀访华，他是首位访华的南非国家元首。
退休之后2012年12月8日，南非前总统曼德拉因病住院，从老家转到比勒陀利亚的米尔帕克医院以后，医院门前每天都聚集着大批民众，他们亲切地称呼这位“南非国父”为“马迪巴”，这是属于曼德拉父亲氏族的姓氏，称呼他“马迪巴”意味着大家视他为自家长辈。
聚集在医院门口的民众真心为年过九旬的政治家祈祷着，因为他的住院，南非媒体一直紧密追踪，从住院地点到治疗手段，关于曼德拉的关注甚至超过圣诞庆祝的内容。
这位94岁老人接受了肺部感染治疗和胆结石摘除手术，并于12月26日出院回家，出院后他将在其约翰内斯堡的家中继续接受治疗，直到完全康复。
曼德拉的英文名言
共两页。
另见英文维基语录There are many people who feel that it is useless and futile for us to continue talking peace and non-violence — against a government whose only reply is savage attacks on an unarmed and defenceless people. And I think the time has come for us to consider, in the light of our experiences at this day at home, whether the methods which we have applied so far are adequate. Interview (1961)Only free men can negotiate; prisoners cannot enter into contracts. Your freedom and mine cannot be separated. Refusing to bargain for freedom after 21 years in prison, as quoted in TIME (25 February 1985)I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands. Speech on the day of his release, Cape Town (11 February 1990)I remember we adjourned for lunch and a friendly Afrikaner warder asked me the question, Mandela, what do you think is going to happen to you in this case? I said to him, Agh, they are going to hang us. Now, I was really expecting some word of encouragement from him. And I thought he was going to say, Agh man, that can never happen. But he became serious and then he said, I think you are right, they are going to hang you. Interview segment on All Things Considered (NPR) broadcast (27 April 2004)Let's hope that Ken Osterbroek will be the last person to die. Spoken shortly after Inkatha announced that they would participate in the 1994 elections. (The Bang-Bang Club p. 168)The UN took a strong stand against apartheid; and over the years, an international consensus was built, which helped to bring an end to this iniquitous system. But we know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians. Address at The International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People[1][edit] First court statement (1962)Statement on charges of inciting persons to strike illegally, and of leaving the country without a valid passport.In its proper meaning equality before the law means the right to participate in the making of the laws by which one is governed, a constitution which guarantees democratic rights to all sections of the population, the right to approach the court for protection or relief in the case of the violation of rights guaranteed in the constitution, and the right to take part in the administration of justice as judges, magistrates, attorneys-general, law advisers and similar positions.In the absence of these safeguards the phrase 'equality before the law', in so far as it is intended to apply to us, is meaningless and misleading. All the rights and privileges to which I have referred are monopolised by whites, and we enjoy none of them. The white man makes all the laws, he drags us before his courts and accuses us, and he sits in judgement over us.It is fit and proper to raise the question sharply, what is this rigid colour-bar in the administration of justice? Why is it that in this courtroom I face a white magistrate, am confronted by a white prosecutor, and escorted into the dock by a white orderly? Can anyone honestly and seriously suggest that in this type of atmosphere the scales of justice are evenly balanced?Why is it that no African in the history of this country has ever had the honour of being tried by his own kith and kin, by his own flesh and blood?I will tell Your Worship why: the real purpose of this rigid colour-bar is to ensure that the justice dispensed by the courts should conform to the policy of the country, however much that policy might be in conflict with the norms of justice accepted in judiciaries throughout the civilised world.I hate race discrimination most intensely and in all its manifestations. I have fought it all during my life; I fight it now, and will do so until the end of my days. Even although I now happen to be tried by one whose opinion I hold in high esteem, I detest most violently the set-up that surrounds me here. It makes me feel that I am a black man in a white man's court. This should not be.[edit] I am Prepared to Die (1964)Statement in the Rivonia Trial, Pretoria Supreme Court (20 April 1964)I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the Whites.I have already mentioned that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto. I, and the others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would produce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not produced even by war. Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto were all members of the African National Congress, and had behind us the ANC tradition of non-violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes. We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute. If the Court is in doubt about this, it will be seen that the whole history of our organization bears out what I have said, and what I will subsequently say, when I describe the tactics which Umkhonto decided to adopt.During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for. But, my lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.The ANC has never at any period of its history advocated a revolutionary change in the economic structure of the country, nor has it, to the best of my recollection, ever condemned capitalist society.[edit] Our March to Freedom is Irreversible (1990)Friends, Comrades and fellow South Africans. I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands.The majority of South Africans, black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security. The mass campaign of defiance and other actions of our organization and people can only culminate in the establishment of democracyThere must be an end to white monopoly on political power, and a fundamental restructuring of our political and economic systems to ensure that the inequalities of apartheid are addressed and our society thoroughly democratized.Our march to freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear to stand in our way. Universal suffrage on a common voters' roll in a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony.[edit] Nobel Prize acceptance speech (1993)Nobel Peace Prize Acceptance Address(10 December 1993)We speak here of the challenge of the dichotomies of war and peace, violence and non-violence, racism and human dignity, oppression and repression and liberty and human rights, poverty and freedom from want.We stand here today as nothing more than a representative of the millions of our people who dared to rise up against a social system whose very essence is war, violence, racism, oppression, repression and the impoverishment of an entire people.I am also here today as a representative of the millions of people across the globe, the anti-apartheid movement, the governments and organisations that joined with us, not to fight against South Africa as a country or any of its peoples, but to oppose an inhuman system and sue for a speedy end to the apartheid crime against humanity.These countless human beings, both inside and outside our country, had the nobility of spirit to stand in the path of tyranny and injustice, without seeking selfish gain. They recognised that an injury to one is an injury to all and therefore acted together in defense of justice and a common human decency.Because of their courage and persistence for many years, we can, today, even set the dates when all humanity will join together to celebrate one of the outstanding human victories of our century.When that moment comes, we shall, together, rejoice in a common victory over racism, apartheid and white minority rule.That triumph will finally bring to a close a history of five hundred years of African colonisation that began with the establishment of the Portuguese empire.Thus, it will mark a great step forward in history and also serve as a common pledge of the peoples of the world to fight racism, wherever it occurs and whatever guise it assumes.In front of this distinguished audience, we commit the new South Africa to the relentless pursuit of the purposes defined in the World Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children.The reward of which we have spoken will and must also be measured by the happiness and welfare of the mothers and fathers of these children, who must walk the earth without fear of being robbed, killed for political or material profit, or spat upon because they are beggars.They too must be relieved of the heavy burden of despair which they carry in their hearts, born of hunger, homelessness and unemployment.The value of that gift to all who have suffered will and must be measured by the happiness and welfare of all the people of our country, who will have torn down the inhuman walls that divide them.These great masses will have turned their backs on the grave insult to human dignity which described some as masters and others as servants, and transformed each into a predator whose survival depended on the destruction of the other.The value of our shared reward will and must be measured by the joyful peace which will triumph, because the common humanity that bonds both black and white into one human race, will have said to each one of us that we shall all live like the children of paradise.Thus shall we live, because we will have created a society which recognises that all people are born equal, with each entitled in equal measure to life, liberty, prosperity, human rights and good governance.Such a society should never allow again that there should be prisoners of conscience nor that any person's human right should be violated.In relation to these matters, we appeal to those who govern Burma that they release our fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, and engage her and those she represents in serious dialogue, for the benefit of all the people of Burma.We pray that those who have the power to do so will, without further delay, permit that she uses her talents and energies for the greater good of the people of her country and humanity as a whole.Far from the rough and tumble of the politics of our own country. I would like to take this opportunity to join the Norwegian Nobel Committee and pay tribute to my joint laureate. Mr. F.W. de Klerk.He had the courage to admit that a terrible wrong had been done to our country and people through the imposition of the system of apartheid.He had the foresight to understand and accept that all the people of South Africa must through negotiations and as equal participants in the process, together determine what they want to make of their future.We live with the hope that as she battles to remake herself, South Africa, will be like a microcosm of the new world that is striving to be born.This must be a world of democracy and respect for human rights, a world freed from the horrors of poverty, hunger, deprivation and ignorance, relieved of the threat and the scourge of civil wars and external aggression and unburdened of the great tragedy of millions forced to become refugees.We do not believe that this Nobel Peace Prize is intended as a commendation for matters that have happened and passed.We hear the voices which say that it is an appeal from all those, throughout the universe, who sought an end to the system of apartheid.We understand their call, that we devote what remains of our lives to the use of our country's unique and painful experience to demonstrate, in practice, that the normal condition for human existence is democracy, justice, peace, non-racism, non-sexism, prosperity for everybody, a healthy environment and equality and solidarity among the peoples.Moved by that appeal and inspired by the eminence you have thrust upon us, we undertake that we too will do what we can to contribute to the renewal of our world so that none should, in future, be described as the wretched of the earth.[edit] Victory speech (1994)Announcing the ANC election victory, Johannesburg (2 May 1994)My fellow South Africans — the people of South Africa:This is indeed a joyous night. Although not yet final, we have received the provisional results of the election, and are delighted by the overwhelming support for the African National Congress.To all those in the African National Congress and the democratic movement who worked so hard these last few days and through these many decades, I thank you and honour you. To the people of South Africa and the world who are watching: this a joyous night for the human spirit. This is your victory too. You helped end apartheid, you stood with us through the transition.I watched, along with all of you, as the tens of thousands of our people stood patiently in long queues for many hours. Some sleeping on the open ground overnight waiting to cast this momentous vote.This is one of the most important moments in the life of our country. I stand here before you filled with deep pride and joy: — pride in the ordinary, humble people of this country. You have shown such a calm, patient determination to reclaim this country as your own, - and joy that we can loudly proclaim from the rooftops — free at last!Tomorrow, the entire ANC leadership and I will be back at our desks. We are rolling up our sleeves to begin tackling the problems our country faces. We ask you all to join us — go back to your jobs in the morning. Let's get South Africa working. 这里放不下，自己去找吧。
要参加英语口语竞赛，主题是曼德拉
As the world's most famous prisoner and, now, his country's leader, he exemplifies a moral integrity that shines far beyond South Africa Your Majesties, Your Highnesses, Distinguished Guests, Comrades and friends: Today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world, confer glory and hope to newborn liberty. Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud. Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity's belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all. All this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today. To my compatriots, I have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld. Each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. The national mood changes as the seasons change. We are moved by a sense of joy and exhilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom. That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland explains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression. We, the people of South Africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil. We thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity. We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy. We deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth, business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. Not least among them is my Second Deputy President, the Honourable F.W. de Klerk. We would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the transition to democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light. The time for the healing of the wounds has come. The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come. The time to build is upon us. We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination. We succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace. We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity--a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world. As a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country, the new Interim Government of National Unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment. We dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free. Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward. We are both humbled and elevated by the honour and privilege that you, the people of South Africa, have bestowed on us, as the first President of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa, to lead our country out of the valley of darkness. We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom. We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success. We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world. Let there be justice for all. Let there be peace for all. Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all. Let each know that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfil themselves. Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world. Let freedom reign. The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement! God bless Africa! 曼德拉总统就职演说? 陛下，殿下，尊贵的嘉宾，同胞们，朋友们：? 今天，我们会聚于此，与我国和世界其他地方前来庆贺的人士一起，对新生的自由赋予光辉和希望。
? 这异常的人类悲剧太过漫长了，这经验孕育出一个令全人类引以自豪的社会。
?作为南非的一介平民，我们日常的一举一动，都要为南非创造现实条件，去巩固人类对正义的信念，增强人类对心灵深处高尚品德的信心，以及让所有人保持对美好生活的期望。
? 对我的同胞，我可以毫不犹疑地说，我们每一个人都跟这美丽祖国的大地亲密地牢不可分，就如红木树之于比勒陀利亚，含羞草之于灌木林。
?我们对这共同的家乡在精神上和肉体上有共同的感觉，当目睹国家因可怕的冲突而变得四分五裂，遭全球人民唾弃、孤立，特别是它成为恶毒的意识形态时，我们的内心如此地痛苦。
? 我们南非人民，对全人类将我们再度纳入怀抱，感到非常高兴。
不久之前，我们还遭全世界摒弃，而现在却能在自己的土地上，招待各国的嘉宾。
?我们非常感谢我国广大人民，以及各方民主政治、宗教、妇女、青年、商业及其他方面领袖所作的贡献，使我们取得了上述的成就。
特别功不可没的，是我的第二副总统——德克勒克先生。
? 治愈创伤的时候已经来临。
消除分隔我们的鸿沟的时刻已经来临。
创建的时机就在眼前。
? 我们终于取得了政治解放。
我们承诺，会将依然陷于贫穷、剥削、苦难、受着性别及其他歧视的国人解放出来。
? 我们已成功地让我们千千万万的国人的心中燃起希望。
我们立下誓约，要建立一个让所有南非人，不论是黑人还是白人，都可以昂首阔步的社会。
他们心中不再有恐惧，他们可以肯定自己拥有不可剥夺的人类尊严——这是一个在国内及与其他各国之间都保持和平的美好国度。
? 作为我国致力更新的证明，新的全国统一过渡政府的当务之急是处理目前在狱中服刑囚犯的特赦问题。
? 我们将今天献给为我们的自由而献出生命和作出牺牲的我国以至世界其他地方的英雄。
? 他们的理想现已成真，自由就是他们的报酬。
? 作为一个统一、民主、非种族主义和非性别主义的南非首任总统，负责带领国家脱离黑暗的深谷。
我们怀着既谦恭又欣喜的心情接受你们给予我们的这份荣誉与权利。
? 我们深信，自由之路从来都不易走。
我们很清楚，没有任何一个人可以单独取得成功。
? 因此，为了全国和解，建设国家，为了一个新世界的诞生，我们必须团结成为一个民族，共同行动。
? 让所有人得享正义。
让所有人得享和平。
让所有人得享工作、面包、水、盐分。
让每个人都明白，每个人的身体、思想和灵魂都获得了解放，从属于自己。
?这片美丽的土地永远、永远、永远再不会经历人对人的压迫，以及遭全球唾弃的屈辱。
对于如此光辉的成就，太阳永不会停止照耀。
? 让自由战胜一切。
愿上帝保佑南非
这是奥巴马的演讲，可以摘取一些
世界上最著名的十大演讲分别是
10、肯尼迪就职演讲 ，19619、葬礼演说 ，公元前五世纪8、自由或死亡（摘录） 埃米林·潘克赫斯特，19137、的演说辞 教皇，10956、阅读的喜悦（摘录） ·里昂·，19335、难道我不是个女人
（摘录） 索琼娜·特鲁斯，18514、我是第一个被指控的人 ，196\\\/43、 ，19632、 ，18631、【我们将战斗到底】1940年6月4日丘吉尔
为什么说金大中是亚洲曼德拉
首先，（Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela）1918年7月18日出生于南非特兰斯凯，先后获南非大学文学士和威特沃特斯兰德大学律师资格。
曾任非国大青年联盟全国书记、主席。
于1994年至1999年间任南非总统，是首位黑人总统，被尊称为南非国父。
在任职总统前，曼德拉是积极的反种族隔离人士，同时也是非洲国民大会的武装组织民族之矛的领袖。
当他领导反种族隔离运动时，南非法院以密谋推翻政府等罪名将他定罪。
依据判决，曼德拉在牢中服刑了27年。
1990年出狱后，转而支持调解与协商，并在推动多元族群民主的过渡期挺身领导南非。
自终结以来，曼德拉受到了来自各界的赞许，包括从前的反对者。
曼德拉在40年来获得了超过一百项奖项，其中最显著的便是1993年的。
2004年，曼德拉被选为最伟大的南非人。
其次，再说说。
在任内，由他一手打造的“阳光政策”是最为世人瞩目的政绩。
“阳光政策”的主要内容即韩国前总统在就职演说中所提出的3大原则：1、没有并吞的意图；2、不准许军事挑衅；3、追求和平共存。
在奉行此政策的大背景下，2000年6月，金大中亲赴平壤与朝鲜领导人金正日举行首脑会晤，这也是分裂50年来首次进行的南北峰会。
金大中也凭借这一重要贡献在当年获颁。
金大中执政期间，朝韩关系取得了巨大的改善和发展，双方加强了往来交流，经济合作上也迈出了坚实步伐。
朝韩双方开放了边界交通，建立了联合，数百万韩国人前往朝鲜旅游，因战争失散半个世纪的亲属得以团聚。
金大中的“阳光政策”凝聚着韩国民众对统一和民主梦想的渴望，2000年的授予正是对其促进南北和解所作出贡献的最好褒奖。
因此，金大中的西方支持者们甚至将其比作“亚洲的曼德拉”。
由金大中一手开创的“阳光政策”，在其后卢武铉治下仍然得以施行，对于缓解朝鲜半岛紧张局势、促进南北经济交流起到了积极作用。
