保险fabe销售话术怎么写观后感
观后感，就是看了一部影片或连续剧后，把具体感受和得到的启示写成的文章。
所谓“感”，可以是从作品中领悟出来的道理或精湛的思想，可以是受作品中的内容启发而引起的思考与联想，可以是因观看而激发的决心和理想，也可以是因观看而引起的对社会上某些丑恶现象的抨击。
观后感的表达方式灵活多样，基本属于议论范畴，但写法不同于一般议论文，因为它必须是在观看后的基础上发感想。
简单来说就是观赏过后的感触
平安金瑞人生
平安金瑞人生属于理财保险，分为主险“金瑞人生年金保险”和附加险“聚财宝 2017 II”。
主险3年期缴，15年累计收益19%，公式为【（15年合计返还-3年合计保费）÷3年合计保费】；附加险保底年化利率1.75%，执行利率根据每年的公司经营情况变动，目前执行年化利率5%。
“聚财宝 2017 II”没有返还功能，只是将主险从第五年开始的生存金转入“聚财宝 2017 II”的万能账户里面，进行一个复利计息。
万能账户可以追加或者领取，但是每次领取不得超过万能账户总金额的20%。
如果每年的生存金都领取走了，那么该万能账户都没有一点作用。
如果每年的生存金不领取，则转入“聚财宝 2017 II”的万能账户，按照执行利率进行计息。
中国人寿国寿福包装话术
这是一款中国人寿最新升级版，目前寿险业重大疾病保障最全（50种+10+15），保费最低，具有豁免功能的健康保障型产品。
深受市场热捧，值得拥有啊。
新人初烧，想入一个1000左右的耳机，我听慢节奏柔和向的电音比较多，类似于fade这种，请各位烧友
头戴还是入耳
插什么设备听
18k金镶碧玺戒指的fabe
现在镶嵌好点的精镶碧玺戒指用的都是加钻石的，同时价格不菲，基本上都要2000起步，如果一些比较差的，石头只有一克拉以内的，1000左右就能买到哦，伟美珠宝商城有不少的碧玺戒指，你可以关注下，这家的价格差不多是实体店的一般，货源很有优势
ssa动态字幕特效高手请进，有一定难度
= =...后两个时间函数的时间反了啊，怎么可以开始时间大于结束时间呢，当然会出错Dialogue: Marked=0,0:00:02.95,0:00:30.88,Default,NTP,0000,0000,0000,,{\\\\pos(550,200)}{\\\\c&Hffffff&\\\(2000,5000,\\\\c&H000000&)}{\\\(7000,12000,\\\\c&Hffffff&)}{\\\(14000,19000,\\\\c&H000000&)}{\\\\fade(1000,1000)}白黑白文字没试过，不过理论上说这样应该可以了嗯。
急求一篇英语作文（1000字左右）
Old soldiers never die Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American. I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe. Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started. In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism. Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack. The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific. Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure. Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment. This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington. To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of , but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies. Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism. There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese . The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies. I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time. The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice. Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race. Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited. On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces. This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy. Such decisions have not been forthcoming. While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old. Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy. For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff. I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory. We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution. Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows: Men since the beginning of time have sought peace. Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international process to prevent or settle disputes between nations. From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been successful. Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war. The utter destructiveness of war now blocks out this alternative. We have had our last chance. If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door. The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh. But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision. In war there is no substitute for victory. There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative. Why, my soldiers asked of me, surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field? I could not answer. Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis. The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation. Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: Don't scuttle the Pacific! I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way. It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety. Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always. I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that old soldiers never die; they just fade away. And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.
1000 Oceans 歌词
歌曲名:1000 Oceans歌手:Tori Amos专辑:To Venus And Back1000 Oceanstori amosThese tears I've criedI've cried 1000 oceansAnd if it seemsI'm floating in the darknessWell, I can't believe that I would keepKeep you from flyingAnd I would cry 1000 moreIf that's what it takesTo sail you homeSail you homeSail you homeI'm aware what the rules areBut you know that I will runYou know that I will follow youOver silbury hillThrough the solar fieldYou know that I will follow youAnd if I find youWill you still remeberPlaying at trainsOr does this litte blue ballJust fade awayOver silbury hillThrough the solar fieldBut you know that I will runI'm aware what the rules areYou know that I will follow youThese tears I've criedI've cried 1000 oceansAnd if it seemsI'm floating in the darkness WellI can't believe that I would keepKeep you from flyingSo I will cry 1000 moreIf that's what it takesTo sail you homeSail you homeSail you homeSailSail you home
如何销售冰箱，有什么技巧和话术
一、斤斤计较、反复杀价当客户对我们的产品开始品头论足，不断对价格、质量等方面挑刺的时候，说明了客户已经对我们的产品有购买欲望，我们一定要把握机会，一锤定音。
这个时候，我们可以做对比。
“先生，您的意见很中肯，我们也有同样的想法。
顺便提醒您，这款冰箱优惠只到今天，如果现在下单只需3888元；今天过后，就没有优惠了，按原来的价格4288元。
要不我现在给您预定
”二、找人商量当客户找人商量时，代表客户已经有购买的想法了，商量只是想的到第三者的认同。
这时候，我们需要让客户有危机感。
“先生，这台款式的冰箱，仓库只剩下几台了。
为了避免脱销，我建议您先购买，后送货。
”三、销售氛围愉快当销售员与客户相谈甚欢，气氛愉快时，证明客户已经认同销售员这个人了，也就是有了基本的信任。
这时候，我们需要给客户一颗催化剂。
“现在夏天的天气真不是开玩笑的，我早上买的猪肉没放进冰箱，下午回去就臭了。
您看，为了您和家人的健康，快点把冰箱带走吧，没什么好犹豫的。
”销售成交的有利的时机并不多，作为一名销售员，一定要做好充足的准备，当销售时机来临时，能迅速做出反应，以求一击即中，成功开单
提供几个好听的摇滚歌,越爆越好,谢谢!听起来很爽的，要很有节奏感的。
越劲爆越好
我不知道为什么，不知是我的歌不好听，还是摇滚在中国的地位就这样，我的2张摇滚专集，一张人气到了600就停滞不前，那还是托百度的福给设为推荐专集才有的600的人气，而第二张我自以为比第一张经典的多了的专集却被百度当垃圾般的扔在一边，人气到现在还不到100，于是我不甘心的重发了一遍，奇怪的是这回人气却暴涨，在挣扎了了一周之后人气终于上了1000，但这时百度却因为我重发专集把我的第这张王牌专集给没收了，欲哭无泪啊。
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而像什么菠萝菠萝蜜啊，S.H.E啊，很轻松的人气就到了好几千（都什么品位啊）也许在中国摇滚本来就该是寂寞的。
于是我决定出一张我觉得是我个人所发专集史上最强的一张专集，看看会出再什么状况，哈哈。
（兄弟们，考验你们音响的时候到了，哈哈）1. Mobscene - Marilyn Manson 如果你能找出比这首歌更有感觉的摇滚，那你一定要告诉我，真是太刺激了，每次我听这歌的时候我都嫌我的音响声音不够大啊，听的我热血沸腾到想跳楼啊2.Word Up-Korn 挺有有感觉的一首歌，随意的曲风加上和Manson一样无赖痞子般的腔调，真的好有感觉3.lake of fire-NIRVANA 不怕大家不高兴，我对NIRVANA的歌没什么感觉，但除了这首，NIRVANA毕竟是经典啊4.one last breath - creed 很经典的一首后车库摇滚，MV超有感觉5.Get Stoned-Hinder的歌我只说一句话，就是有感觉啊。
6.The River -Good Charlotte 这首歌决对算PUNK经典，我是这么认为的7.last resort-Papa Roach 我不知道这种风格的摇滚具体叫什么，就一个字，顶8.Feeling This -Blink 182 流行PUNK，喜欢PUNK的别错过9 Jenny-The Click Five The Click Five 和他们的新主唱的新单曲，喜欢The Click Five 的赶紧下载啊，哈哈10.Breathing-Yellowcard 摇滚新贵Yellowcard的一首歌，个人觉得还不错，不过总觉的有点像GREENDAY11.Sweet Dreams-Marilyn Manson 还是Manson的歌，但这回却不是那么激情的摇滚了，而是极其颓废的嗲唱，听的我直打哆嗦，听的我一直在喊不要了，但却觉得很爽（坏笑） 不过听多了真的人会颓废的。
12.March Of The Dogs-Sum 41 SUM41的新单曲，个人觉的SUM41不行了，但怎么说也是我刚听摇滚时最喜欢的乐队，还是要支持一下，哈哈。
13.Let Me Go In-Quietdrive 其实这歌摇滚感觉并不强，不过我挺喜欢这支乐队的。
14.NOFX单曲-NOFX 个人极其欣赏的一支绝对PUNK乐队唱的一令人喷血的歌（其实这歌并不怎么样，不是NOFX风格的体现，但主要是太搞笑了这歌）15.Lips of an Angel -Hinder 一首Hinder的真的很有感觉的英式忧伤就作为榜尾曲吧。
