求英语演讲稿 a Heart for Freedom的思路
经济独立是第一位的.没搞清这个问题.别谈free...自由也包括 一个人身心的全面自由的发展.可以理解为一个国家经济越发达.他能给居民提供的自由的资源越多.而且自由是个很大的题目.目前我想学c++一门计算机语言.但是在中国目前的出版界.并没有一般很好的书,或者我喜欢的书籍.就是一种想要学习的愿望却无法满足.自由就是人身心的全面发展.发展过程中的阻碍越小.居民的自由度就越高.(甚至搞个公式. 人民的自由度与人发展自身的阻碍成反比与已经实现的愿望成正比(我找不到好的变量就姑且用这个吧.))你可以从一个角度谈自由.就可以从你想学习的东西.但是给你提供的东西却不满意.再比如..你想学英语,,但是你发现你并没有语言环境....甚至你想学好英语,但是你发现你父母却不支持你买mp3
freedom,choice and responsibility 自由选择与责任的英文演讲稿5分钟左右求救啊
Freedom Choice and Responsibility自由 选择 责任I love choices.我爱选择。
I love to walk around in bookstores-not because I can buy all the books,我喜欢在书店里徜徉，不是因为我能买下所有的书，but because I could buy one book, and I have so many to choose from.而是因为我可以买一本书，我有这么多的选择。
I like buffets.我还喜欢自助餐。
I rarely get to go to them, but when I do,虽然我很少去，但是当我去的时候，the first thing I do is to walk around and see what the choices are.我做的第一件事就是四处逛逛，看看有什么选择。
I also like the Internet.我还喜欢互联网。
It seems like cyberspace really doesn't have any limits.看来网络真的没有任何限制。
There are so many things to discover--- like space.有这么多的东西等待被发现——比如空间。
Sometimes, I think we don't appreciate the freedom that we have.有时候，中=国=演-讲-网。
我觉得我们不喜欢我们拥有的自由。
We are free to make many different choices.我们可以自由地做出许多不同的选择。
From the food we eat--- to the places we visit--- to the people we meet--- to the classes we take and on and on and on.从我们所吃的食物到我们去的地方，我们见的人，我们所上的课程等等。
But freedom has dangers. If misused, it can be harmful.但自由也有危险。
如果滥用，将会带来危害。
I could pile a mountain of food on my plate and NOT to eat it.我可以将山一样的食物堆在我的盘子里，而我则不去吃它。
It would be a waste. But that's a choice I have.它会是一种浪费。
但这是一个选择。
The Internet has dangers, too.互联网也有危险。
If parents are not careful and don't supervise what their kids can see--- well kids can lose some of their innocence because of freedom.如果父母对他们的孩子所看到的不留神也不监督，那么孩子们会因为自由而失去一些他们的天真单纯。
There's a reason for legal age limits when it comes to driving, gambling, drinking,smoking, and voting.当涉及驾车、赌博、酗酒、吸烟、和投票时法律会有年龄的限制。
Until we reach that age, we aren't free to do those things.直到我们到了那个年岁，否则我们去做那些事将不会被赋予自由。
有木有慷慨激昂的英语演讲稿
I have a dreamI am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds. But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, When will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating For Whites Only. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning. My country, ’ tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing: Land where my fathers died, Land of the pilgrims’ pride, From every mountainside Let freedom ring. And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York! Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi! From every mountainside, let freedom ring! When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”
求个3分钟左右的英文演讲稿…… 内容随意
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这个，你的范围也太大了吧至少你要说一下演讲的“观众”，“主题”，“目的”啊比如说你的观众是同学朋友什么的，就可以讲的比较轻松幽默点。
要是领导老师什么的的，就要正经一点啦。
你这什么都没说，连个“TOPIC”都没有，这让人怎么写啊
关于自信的英文演讲稿
Jimmy Carter's Crisis of Confidence Jimmy Carter delivered this televised speech on July 15, 1979. Good evening. This is a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for president of the United States. I promised you a president who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you. During the past three years I've spoken to you on many occasions about national concerns, the energy crisis, reorganizing the government, our nation's economy, and issues of war and especially peace. But over those years the subjects of the speeches, the talks, and the press conferences have become increasingly narrow, focused more and more on what the isolated world of Washington thinks is important. Gradually, you've heard more and more about what the government thinks or what the government should be doing and less and less about our nation's hopes, our dreams, and our vision of the future. Ten days ago I had planned to speak to you again about a very important subject -- energy. For the fifth time I would have described the urgency of the problem and laid out a series of legislative recommendations to the Congress. But as I was preparing to speak, I began to ask myself the same question that I now know has been troubling many of you. Why have we not been able to get together as a nation to resolve our serious energy problem? It's clear that the true problems of our Nation are much deeper -- deeper than gasoline lines or energy shortages, deeper even than inflation or recession. And I realize more than ever that as president I need your help. So I decided to reach out and listen to the voices of America. I invited to Camp David people from almost every segment of our society -- business and labor, teachers and preachers, governors, mayors, and private citizens. And then I left Camp David to listen to other Americans, men and women like you. It has been an extraordinary ten days, and I want to share with you what I've heard. First of all, I got a lot of personal advice. Let me quote a few of the typical comments that I wrote down. This from a southern governor: Mr. President, you are not leading this nation -- you're just managing the government. You don't see the people enough any more. Some of your Cabinet members don't seem loyal. There is not enough discipline among your disciples. Don't talk to us about politics or the mechanics of government, but about an understanding of our common good. Mr. President, we're in trouble. Talk to us about blood and sweat and tears. If you lead, Mr. President, we will follow. Many people talked about themselves and about the condition of our nation. This from a young woman in Pennsylvania: I feel so far from government. I feel like ordinary people are excluded from political power. And this from a young Chicano: Some of us have suffered from recession all our lives. Some people have wasted energy, but others haven't had anything to waste. And this from a religious leader: No material shortage can touch the important things like God's love for us or our love for one another. And I like this one particularly from a black woman who happens to be the mayor of a small Mississippi town: The big-shots are not the only ones who are important. Remember, you can't sell anything on Wall Street unless someone digs it up somewhere else first. This kind of summarized a lot of other statements: Mr. President, we are confronted with a moral and a spiritual crisis. Several of our discussions were on energy, and I have a notebook full of comments and advice. I'll read just a few. We can't go on consuming 40 percent more energy than we produce. When we import oil we are also importing inflation plus unemployment. We've got to use what we have. The Middle East has only five percent of the world's energy, but the United States has 24 percent. And this is one of the most vivid statements: Our neck is stretched over the fence and OPEC has a knife. There will be other cartels and other shortages. American wisdom and courage right now can set a path to follow in the future. This was a good one: Be bold, Mr. President. We may make mistakes, but we are ready to experiment. And this one from a labor leader got to the heart of it: The real issue is freedom. We must deal with the energy problem on a war footing. And the last that I'll read: When we enter the moral equivalent of war, Mr. President, don't issue us BB guns. These ten days confirmed my belief in the decency and the strength and the wisdom of the American people, but it also bore out some of my long-standing concerns about our nation's underlying problems. I know, of course, being president, that government actions and legislation can be very important. That's why I've worked hard to put my campaign promises into law -- and I have to admit, with just mixed success. But after listening to the American people I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can't fix what's wrong with America. So, I want to speak to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy.
英语演讲稿关于一个体育运动的
i love swimming i am not that kind of sport person. i have many interests, but not many for sports. i only enjoy watching sports. but it is a differnet story for swimming. i have been growingly interested in it recently. what swim brings to me is the feeling of freedom. on the earth, there are animals flying, swimming, and walking. while the other two groupd enjoy three dimension world, the third group can only move at a two dimention surface. unfortunately, human is among the last group. it is really hard for human to fly; fortunately, we can still swim. within water, the world is expanded from 2 dimension to 3. that is the beauty. also, swim is not as tough as running. both running and swimming are healthy sports.?running, to me, is a kind of suffer; while swimming is really a pleasure. at least, that is my personal feeling. so, i will keep my current plan, swim three days a week, at least half an hour each time.译文：我爱游泳我不是那种运动的人。
我有很多的利益，但并没有多少运动。
我只享受观看体育。
但它是一个differnet故事游泳。
我已日益感兴趣，而且最近。
什么游泳带给我的感觉自由。
对地球上，有动物，飞行，游泳，散步。
而另外两人d组享受三维世界中，第三组只能在两维表面。
不幸的是，人类是其中最后一组出发。
这是真的很难人类飞行;所幸的是，我们仍然可以游泳。
内水，世界正扩大从2维至3 。
这就是美。
同时，游泳是不作为强硬运行。
无论跑步和游泳是健康的体育活动。
吗
运行，对我来说，是一种承受，而游泳是真的很高兴。
至少，这是我个人的感觉。
所以，我会继续我现在的计划，游泳三天一个星期，至少一个半小时，每个时间。
求关于体育运动的英文演讲稿
i love swimming i am not that kind of sport person. i have many interests, but not many for sports. i only enjoy watching sports.but it is a differnet story for swimming. i have been growingly interested in it recently. what swim brings to me is the feeling of freedom. on the earth, there are animals flying, swimming, and walking. while the other two groupd enjoy three dimension world, the third group can only move at a two dimention surface. unfortunately, human is among the last group. it is really hard for human to fly; fortunately, we can still swim. within water, the world is expanded from 2 dimension to 3. that is the beauty.also, swim is not as tough as running. both running and swimming are healthy sports.?running, to me, is a kind of suffer; while swimming is really a pleasure. at least, that is my personal feeling.so, i will keep my current plan, swim three days a week, at least half an hour each time.
