求演讲稿一篇，主题：【国家外交】
知道你有什么样的梦想 我不在乎你朝着梦想前进时曾遇上什么样的困难 那个你心上想了又想的梦想 他是有可能达成的 虽然你可能觉得她太困难了 她并不简单 要改变你的生命很难 为梦想打拼的过程中 你会无数的打击 无数的失败 无数的痛楚 你会有质疑自己的时候 会问上苍为何这就是我的命运 我不过是想照顾我的小孩父母，又不是去偷去抢 为何这样的事会发生在我身上 曾经遇到过难关的人 不要放弃你的梦想 艰难的日子会到来，但它们总将成为过往 伟大的成就并非虚幻不切实际 并非像神一样只有卓越不凡的人才当得了 她是真实地存在于我们每个人心中 重要的是你必须相信，你做得到 大部份的人成家立业，日复一日然后老死 他们停止成长，停止锻炼自己，停止试图超越自己 然后还有人很爱抱怨却不尝试改变现况 多数人都不想为自己的梦想努力，为什么 原因之一就是害怕失败，“万一事情不如预期怎么办
” 再来就是害怕成功，“万一成功之后我没能力掌控怎么办
” 他们完全不想承担风险 你花了大量的时间与他人交际，想让别人喜欢你 你认识他人比认识自我更多 你观察它们，知道他们一切事情 想跟他们混在一块，变得跟他们一样 然而你知道吗
花了那么多时间在他们身上，最终却失去自我 我要你学会与自己坦诚相处如果你想达成梦想，就必须将你心中的鲁蛇（loser）去除 朝自己梦想前进的人，生命会有截然不同的特殊意义 当你找到了自我，慢慢的你会与他人有所不同 开始拥有自己的特质 但若你只懂跟随他人脚步以及模仿他人 你永远无法变成最强的 但你可以成为最优秀的自己 我要你找到自己的价值 其他人看不见，无法参与，也不会为你拓展视野 这是你要了解的 你是独一无二的 我要你结交志同道合的人 渴望成功的人 努力不懈的人 那些想要重新打造生命的人 与达成梦想的人相处 达成梦想的人知道 成功与否都在自己 如果你想要更有成就 如果你想要做些从未做过的事 那你就必须投资自己 一定要投资自己 不要让他人的成见成为自己现实的一部份 不要抱着受难者的心态渡过一生 就算你遇到了气馁的事情，也要知道你做得到，就算别人不相信，你也要有自信 这是我所相信的，至死不渝 不论情况多糟，未来有多险恶 我都办得到 我想要代表一个信念，代表一个可能性 你们有些人可能在想要更上一层 想要有自己的协会，想当工程师或医师 相信我你到不了的 你到不了你想到的层级，除非你开始培育自己的心力 你根本连读书的习惯都没有 我要你去听听演说 懂得花时间 与自己相处 花个一小时试图了解自己 直到你找到了自我 当你活出了自我，活出了属于自己该有的命运 当你是一个独特的个体 你就会与周遭的人有所不同 我要你做别人不要你做的事，达到别人不想理会你的领域 因为这样你就不会整天想着该如何取悦他们 因为你想要与众不同，你想要更上一层 我要你培育你自己的心力 如果你还在谈论你的梦想 还在谈论你的目标 但却什么都没做 那就先踏出第一步 你可以让你的父母骄傲 让你的学校骄傲 你可以感动百万人的生命，世界会因为有你而不同 因为你选择这条路 别让其他人毁了你的梦想 在别人拒绝了或说不时，或在某个会面你被放鸽子 又或者有人取得了你的信任却无法兑现承诺 即使自己的心态使你停下脚步一次又一次的迷失没了动力 还是要每天反复的想着自己的梦想 然后对自己说游戏还没结束，直到我胜利（Until I win） 你可以实现你的梦想
中西方文化差异的演讲稿
语言蕴涵着文化。
语言是文化的镜子，它在一定程度上反映出该民族的历史、地理、政治、经济及风俗习惯等文化侧面。
如果不了解外国人的生活方式，对中西方文化差异给予足够的重视，跨文化交际就无法顺利进行下去。
不同的文化孕育了不同的价值观、道德观，形成了鲜明差异的社会关系、民情风俗。
西方文化主张个人荣誉、自我中心、创新精神和个性自由，而中国文化是群体文化，主张谦虚谨慎、关心他人、助人为乐、无私奉献、中庸之道和团结协作；西方人平等意识较强、家庭结构简单，由父母以及未成年子女组成核心家庭；而中国人等级观念较强，家庭结构较复杂，传统的幸福家庭多为三代同堂或四代同堂等。
在跨文化交际中，由于文化障碍而导致的信息误解，甚至伤害对方的现象屡见不鲜。
有时善意的言谈会使对方尴尬无比，礼貌的举止会被误解为荒诞粗俗。
在中国，对别人的健康状况表示关心是有教养、有礼貌的表现。
但对西方人的健康表示关心，就不能按中国的传统方式了。
一个中国学生得知其美籍教师生病后，会关切地说“You should go to see a doctor
（你应该到医院看看）”。
不料，这句体贴的话反而使这位教师很不高兴。
因为在这位教师看来，有病看医生这种简单的事情连小孩都知道，用不着任何人来指教。
如果就某种小事给人以忠告，那显然是对其能力的怀疑，从而大大伤害其自尊心。
中国人在饭桌上的热情好客经常被西方人误解为不文明的行为。
因西方人认为：客人吃多吃少完全由自己决定，用不着主人为他加菜添酒；而且饮食过量是极不体面的事情，因此客人吃饭后，主人不必劝他再吃。
一位美国客人看到中国主人不断地给他挟菜，很不安，事后他抱怨说“主人把我当猪一样看待”。
中国人路遇熟人时，往往会无所顾忌地说：“啊呀，老兄，你近来又发福了
”或者以关切的口吻说： “老兄，你又瘦了， 要注意身体啊
” 而西方人若听你说“You are fat.”或“You are thin.”，即使比较熟悉，也会感到尴尬和难以作答。
从以上例子不难看出：文化障碍的确会影响跨文化交际。
西方文化在许多方面与中国文化存在着很大的差异。
一、价值观与道德标准的差异1、个人荣誉感与谦虚谨慎西方人崇拜个人奋斗，尤其为个人取得的成就自豪，从来不掩饰自己的自信心、荣誉感以及在获得成就后的狂喜。
相反，中国文化不主张炫耀个人荣誉，而是提倡谦虚。
中国人反对王婆卖瓜式的自吹自擂，然而中国式的自我谦虚或自我否定却常常使西方人大为不满。
“这是应该的”、“我自己没做什么，都是大家的功劳”或“不行，不行
差远啦”等中国式的谦虚，在西方人看来，不仅否定了自己，还否定了赞扬者的鉴赏力。
这种中国式的谦虚在资本主义的竞争市场是行不通的。
2、自我中心与无私奉献西方人自我中心意识和独立意识很强， 主要表现在：（1）自己为自己负责。
在弱肉强食的社会，每个人生存方式及生存质量都取决于自己的能力。
因此，每个人都必须自我奋斗，把个人利益放在第一位。
（2）不习惯关心他人，帮助他人，不过问他人的事情。
（3）正由于以上两点，主动帮助别人或接受别人帮助在西方常常是令人难堪的事。
因为接受帮助只能证明自己无能，而主动帮助别人会被认为是干涉别人私事。
中国人的行为准则是“我对他人，对社会是否有用”，个人的价值是在奉献中体现出来的。
中国文化推崇一种高尚的情操———无私奉献。
在中国，主动关心他人，给人以无微不至的体贴是一种美德，因此，中国人不论别人的大事小事，家事私事都愿主动关心，而这在西方会被视为“多管闲事”。
3、创新精神与中庸之道西方文化鼓励人民开拓创新，做一番前人未做过的、杰出超凡的事业。
而传统的中国文化则要求人们不偏不倚，走中庸之道，中国人不善于预见未来的危险性，保持和谐。
4、个性自由与团结协作西方人十分珍视个人自由，喜欢随心所欲，独往独行，不愿受限制。
中国文化则更多地强调集体主义，主张个人利益服从集体利益，主张同甘共苦，团结合作，步调一致。
二、社会关系的差别1、平等意识与等级观念西方人平等意识较强，无论贫富，人人都会尊重自己，不允许别人侵犯自己的权利。
同时人人都能充分地尊重他人。
在美国，很少人以自己显赫的家庭背景为荣，也很少人以自己贫寒出身为耻，因他们都知道，只要自己努力一定能取得成功的。
正如美国一句流行的谚语所言： “只要努力，牛仔也能当总统。
”新中国虽已建立近五十年，但传统的君臣、父子等级观念在中国人的头脑中仍根深蒂固。
父亲在儿子的眼中、教师在学生的眼中有着绝对的权威，家庭背景在人的成长中仍起着相当重要的作用。
中国人重视传统的观念，论资排辈，等级森严。
而在英美国家，论辈简单含混，界限不清。
中国人对比自己年长的人根据不同的身份和地位分别给予不同的称号。
西方国家没有这个习惯。
2、核心家庭与几代同堂美国式的家庭结构比较简单：父母以及未成年孩子，称之为核心家庭。
子女一旦结婚，就得搬出去住，经济上也必须独立，父母没有义务资助子女。
这种作法给年青人提供最大限度的自由，并培养其独立生活的能力，但同时也疏远了亲属之间的关系。
中国式的家庭结构比较复杂，传统的幸福家庭是三代同堂或四代同堂。
在这样的家庭中，老人帮助照看小孩，儿孙们长大后赡养老人，家庭成员之间互相依赖，互相帮助，密切了亲情关系。
然而，这种生活方式不利于培养年青人的独立能力。
三、社会礼仪的差异对中国人来讲询问对方的姓名、年龄，婚姻状况、工资收入、家庭生活等个人问题均被视为对对方的关心，是亲近的表示。
而西方人很讨厌别人问及年龄与收入等个人私事，认为触犯了个人的隐私权。
中国人路遇熟人总爱寒暄道：“吃饭了吗
”、“到哪儿去
”、“上班呀
”等。
在我们看来这是一种有礼貌的打招呼用语，可在西方文化里这不是属于问候语，而是实质性的问题。
他们会认为你想请他吃饭或者干涉其私事，会引起误解。
西方人见面，通常招呼道： “Hello
”、“how do you do!”、“Nice day, isn’t it
”对于别人的赞扬，中国人通常表示谦虚，并有一套谦虚之词，象“惭愧”、“哪里”、“寒舍”、“拙文”等。
而西方人总是高兴地回答“thank you”以表接受。
中国人用“谢谢”的场合较西方人少，尤其是非常亲近的朋友和家庭成员之间不常说“谢谢。
”而西方人整天把“thank you”挂在嘴边，即使是亲朋好友和家庭成员之间也常如此。
中国人收到礼物时往往放在一边，看也不看（生怕人家说贪心）。
而西方人收到礼物时要当着客人的面马上打开并连声称好。
中国人殷勤好客，一杯杯地斟酒，一遍遍地上菜，客人不吃不行，不喝也不行，使西方人觉得难以对付。
而西方人的习惯是：Help yourself, please!，吃多少喝多少完全由自己决定，强行劝吃劝喝被视为不礼貌。
中国人送客人时，主人与客人常说：“慢走
”、“小心点
”、“再见， 走好啊
”、“你们进去吧
”、“请留步”等。
而西方人只说： “Bye Bye
”、“ See you later
”、“See you next time
”、“Goodnight
”在中国，翘起二郎腿面向客人坐着是大为不敬的，可这种坐姿在英国却被认为能消除紧张情绪，缓和关系，活跃气氛。
四、社会习俗的差异1、对女性的态度美国妇女和中国妇女的地位都不高，但美国妇女却有幸能享受许多传统的骑士习俗，尊重妇女的礼节在美国社会随处可见：男士为女士开门；扶女士下车；在马路上，男士走外侧，女士走内侧，以给女士提供保护；女士进餐厅时，所有的男士都要起立；餐桌前，男士要为女士拉开椅子，待女士站好了位置再把椅子送回女士的身后，请她就坐。
中国社会对女性的照顾和礼节比较而言似乎要少一些。
2、对婚姻的态度西方人的婚姻观与中国人的婚姻观有着极大的不同。
因为他们认为：婚姻纯属个人私事，任何人不能干涉；同时婚姻不属于道德问题。
一个人有权选择和他A 她最喜欢的人生活在一起，一旦发现现有的婚姻是一个错误，他A 她有权作第二次选择。
如果夫妇一方爱上了第三者，任何一方都不会受谴责。
在他们看来：强迫两个不相爱的人生活在一起是残忍的。
中国人的婚姻相对来说比较稳定。
这是因为中国人把婚姻当作人生的头等大事，每个人都谨慎对待，认真选择，一旦决定了，就不会轻易改变。
而且中国人一向把婚姻当作一个严肃的道德问题，喜新厌旧，或是第三者插足都被认为是极不道德的。
3、民情风俗中国人咏菊颂龙，西方人常常觉得不可思议。
意大利人认为菊花是丧事之花，是不吉利的。
美国人认为龙是邪恶的动物。
中国人指自己时往往用食指指自己的鼻子，而西方人认为这个手势有点滑稽可笑。
表示“无可奈何”、“无可奉告”时耸耸肩，摊开双手这个动作，在中国是见所未见。
然而两个同性手拉手同行或者两个同性一起跳舞在中国却是司空见惯，习以为常，可在西方则会被人看作“同性恋”。
了解中西方文化差异对于提高跨文化交际能力有着极其重要的意义，它能帮助我们正确理解西方人的言行，在交际过程中，充分了解对方，尊重对方的习俗，以取得最佳的交际效果。
如满意，请采纳。
参考百度
假如你要去美国参加夏令营。
做发言稿的英文短文
I learned it from the Internet you will organize a composed of international student summer camp in SingaporeMy English is very good,has participated in many English speech contest and get good grades.I want to use this summer camp to practice my oral English ability,and introduce our Chinese culture and places of historic interest and scenic beauty,let more people understand the Chinese love china.I think I can also learn about other countries in the activities,broaden my horizonsI hope you can approve my application
美国为什么要和中国打贸易战，500字
中国加入WTO，美国也没有想到中国会成为“世界工厂”，进而成为全球化最大的赢家。
美国政府表示，支持中国加入世界贸易组织（WTO）是个错误的决定。
美国指责中国从全球化中获得巨大的利益，但却设置贸易壁垒，贸易保护，比如不让一些美国公司进入中国市场，中国要求一些美国公司分享其技术（如长安福特、上海大众、华晨宝马）以获得进入中国市场的资格，这让美国公司损失巨大，表面上，美国方透露出的消息称，征收钢铝关税是美国用来向中国施加压力的手段，美国的目的是期望中国能够在技术转移和市场准入方面做出让步。
中国得利于美国主导的经济秩序而崛起，对特朗普来说，是美国最大的威胁，这关系到西方文明的可持续性和存亡。
而西方文明在南非和欧洲正在经历的大塌方正引起以特朗普为首的美国保守派的高度警觉。
这便是特朗普铁了心要与中国打贸易战的根本原因。
中国成为世界第二大经济体，美国“遏制”中国的战略紧迫性空前强化。
特朗普总统不过是顺势而为。
即便是希拉里上台，这个战略也不会改变，甚至变本加厉。
仅仅不到一年的时间，这个还没有拿到适航证，没有正式投入商用的C919订单总数已经超过800架。
并且据新京报的报道，有专家分析认为，C919上市定价或每架五千万美元。
而作为对比，波音737的目录价格是每架9000万美元。
800多架啊，同胞们
波音飞机五折腰斩价啊，同胞们
看到这儿看明白了么
我国的大飞机制造业已经开始侵蚀美国波音公司的市场份额了。
而在此之前，这都是美国波音和欧洲空客的垄断市场。
这就是中美贸易战核心地方——中国制造业2025以及工业4.0的中高端制造业崛起对美国的全面威胁与冲击。
而所谓中美国际收支不平衡，根本就是个幌子
幌子
全特么是烟雾弹而以
话说随着中国四十年来经济高速发展，国内经济结构迅速转型切换，我们制造业的技术工艺是显著提升的。
过去，中国对美国出口的都是中低端商品和加工品，利润非常低。
而从美国进口的都是利润附加值极高的高技术产品，比如芯片、波音客机等。
所以美国企业界之所以愿意奉行对华友好关系，是符合双边共同利益的，并且这也是中美过去几十年蜜月的底层基础支撑。
这时期，你就能看到，每当中美在贸易摩擦打火花的时候，就会有美国商会或企业界出面游说国会，为中美关系的缓和和迅速走向正常化做出大量工作。
比如经常游说国会的波音公司，就是因为我们大量采购他们的飞机啊。
但是，随着中美经贸关系从过去高度互补开始变得越来越具有直接竞争性。
不仅仅是C919大飞机，我们在半导体芯片、工业智能制造等多领域不断大力扶持，这就触碰到了美国企业的核心竞争领域，美国企业带来了深深的恐惧。
所以看这次，美国有一家企业出头说话么
天下熙熙攘攘皆为利啊
全球巨头企业更是如此
在十九大上，中央定调我们的经济要从量的发展转为质的发展。
在此之前，中央曾做了两个顶层设计——供给侧改革和产业升级!目的就是清出低质产能和生产。
当中国开始进行产业升级、制造业2025、工业4.0口号的的时候，核心的矛盾就剧烈爆发了。
因为这些产业升级后的制造业，也就是“高质量”的中高端制造业，这些中国大力扶持、给予大量政府政策和补贴的高新技术行业过去一直都是美国人的专属。
对于国家来说，产业结构的领先才是真正的碾压式领先，19世纪的英国以煤铁工业经济领先世界，20世纪美国以石油电力经济超越英国，21世纪美国以信息化经济称霸世界
正是中国这场制造业升级对美国形成了真正意义上的挑战
这种挑战直接冲击了美国作为霸主国家的地位。
这才是中美贸易战问题最核心最尖锐的聚焦点
求助：需要“美国总统奥巴马：中美关系将塑造21世纪的历史”的MP3及文字稿
Obama at U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue Jul 28, 2009Dialogue is essential step in advancing positive, comprehensive relations(begin transcript)THE WHITE HOUSEOffice of the Press SecretaryFor Immediate ReleaseJuly 27, 2009REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTAT THE U.S.\\\/CHINA STRATEGIC AND ECONOMIC DIALOGUERonald Reagan Building and International Trade CenterWashington, D.C.9:35 A.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Good morning. It is a great honor to welcome you to the first meeting of the Strategic Economic Dialogue between the United States and China. This is an essential step in advancing a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship between our countries. I'm pleased that President Hu shares my commitment to a sustained dialogue to enhance our shared interests.President Hu and I both felt that it was important to get our relationship off to a good start. Of course, as a new President and also as a basketball fan, I have learned from the words of Yao Ming, who said, No matter whether you are new or an old team member, you need time to adjust to one another. Well, through the constructive meetings that we've already had, and through this dialogue, I'm confident that we will meet Yao's standard.I want to acknowledge the remarkable American and Chinese leaders who will co-chair this effort. Hillary Clinton and Tim Geithner are two of my closest advisors, and they have both obtained extraordinary experience working with China. And I know that they will have extremely capable and committed Chinese counterparts in State Councilor Dai and Vice Premier Wang. Thank you very much for being here.I'm also looking forward to the confirmation of an outstanding U.S. Ambassador to China, Governor Jon Huntsman, who is here today. (Applause.) Jon has deep experience living and working in Asia, and -- unlike me -- he speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He also happens to be a Republican who co-chaired Senator McCain's campaign. And I think that demonstrates Jon's commitment to serving his country, and the broad, bipartisan support for positive and productive relations between the United States and China. So thank you, Jon, for your willingness to serve.Today, we meet in a building that speaks to the history of the last century. It houses a national memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, a man who held office when the 20th century was still young, and America's leadership in the world was emerging. It is named for Ronald Reagan, a man who came of age during two World Wars, and whose presidency helped usher in a new era of history. And it holds a piece of the Berlin Wall, a decades-long symbol of division that was finally torn down, unleashing a rising tide of globalization that continues to shape our world.One hundred years ago -- in the early days of the 20th century -- it was clear that there were momentous choices to be made -- choices about the borders of nations and the rights of human beings. But in Woodrow Wilson's day, no one could have foreseen the arc of history that led to a wall coming down in Berlin, nor could they have imagined the conflict and upheaval that characterized the years in between. For people everywhere -- from Boston to Beijing -- the 20th century was a time of great progress, but that progress also came with a great price.Today, we look out on the horizon of a new century. And as we launch this dialogue, it's important for us to reflect upon the questions that will shape the 21st century. Will growth be stalled by events like our current financial crisis, or will we cooperate to create balanced and sustainable growth, lifting more people out of poverty and creating a broader prosperity around the world? Will the need for energy breed competition and climate change, or will we build partnerships to produce clean power and to protect our planet? Will nuclear weapons spread unchecked, or will we forge a new consensus to use this power for only peaceful purposes? Will extremists be able to stir conflict and division, or will we unite on behalf of our shared security? Will nations and peoples define themselves solely by their differences, or can we find common ground necessary to meet our common challenges, and to respect the dignity of every human being?We can't predict with certainty what the future will bring, but we can be certain about the issues that will define our times. And we also know this: The relationship between the United States and China will shape the 21st century, which makes it as important as any bilateral relationship in the world. That really must underpin our partnership. That is the responsibility that together we bear.As we look to the future, we can learn from our past -- for history shows us that both our nations benefit from engagement that is grounded in mutual interest and mutual respect. During my time in office, we will mark the 40th anniversary of President Nixon's trip to China. At that time, the world was much different than it is today. America had fought three wars in East Asia in just 30 years, and the Cold War was in a stalemate. China's economy was cut off from the world, and a huge percentage of the Chinese people lived in extreme poverty.Back then, our dialogue was guided by a narrow focus on our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a comprehensive relationship that reflects the deepening ties among our people. Our countries have now shared relations for longer than we were estranged. Our people interact in so many ways. And I believe that we are poised to make steady progress on some of the most important issues of our times.My confidence is rooted in the fact that the United States and China share mutual interests. If we advance those interests through cooperation, our people will benefit and the world will be better off -- because our ability to partner with each other is a prerequisite for progress on many of the most pressing global challenges.Let me name some of those challenges. First, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in a lasting economic recovery. The current crisis has made it clear that the choices made within our borders reverberate across the global economy -- and this is true not just in New York and Seattle, but in Shanghai and Shenzhen, as well. That is why we must remain committed to strong bilateral and multilateral coordination. And that is the example we have set by acting aggressively to restore growth, to prevent a deeper recession and to save jobs for our people.Going forward, we can deepen this cooperation. We can promote financial stability through greater transparency and regulatory reform. We can pursue trade that is free and fair, and seek to conclude an ambitious and balanced Doha Round agreement. We can update international institutions so that growing economies like China play a greater role that matches their greater responsibility. And as Americans save more and Chinese are able to spend more, we can put growth on a more sustainable foundation -- because just as China has benefited from substantial investment and profitable exports, China can also be an enormous market for American goods.Second, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interest in a clean, secure, and prosperous energy future. The United States and China are the two largest consumers of energy in the world. We are also the two largest emitters of greenhouse gases in the world. Let's be frank: Neither of us profits from a growing dependence on foreign oil, nor can we spare our people from the ravages of climate change unless we cooperate. Common sense calls upon us to act in concert.Both of our countries are taking steps to transform our energy economies. Together we can chart a low carbon recovery; we can expand joint efforts at research and development to promote the clean and efficient use of energy; and we can work together to forge a global response at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen and beyond. And the best way to foster the innovation that can increase our security and prosperity is to keep our markets open to new ideas, new exchanges, and new sources of energy.Third, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Make no mistake: The more nations acquire these weapons, the more likely it is that they will be used. Neither America nor China has an interest in a terrorist acquiring a bomb, or a nuclear arms race breaking out in East Asia. That is why we must continue our collaboration to achieve the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and make it clear to North Korea that the path to security and respect can be traveled if they meet their obligations. And that is why we must also be united in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon, and urging the Islamic Republic to live up to its international obligations.This is not about singling out any one nation -- it is about the responsibility of all nations. Together, we must cooperate to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world, which will be a focus of our Global Nuclear Summit next year. And together, we must strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty by renewing its basic bargain: countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. A balance of terror cannot hold. In the 21st century, a strong and global regime is the only basis for security from the world's deadliest weapons.And fourth, we can cooperate to advance our mutual interests in confronting transnational threats. The most pressing dangers we face no longer come from competition among great powers -- they come from extremists who would murder innocents; from traffickers and pirates who pursue their own profits at the expense of others; from diseases that know no borders; and from suffering and civil wars that breed instability and terror. These are the threats of the 21st century. And that is why the pursuit of power among nations must no longer be seen as a zero-sum game. Progress -- including security -- must be shared.Through increased ties between our militaries, we can diminish causes for dispute while providing a framework for cooperation. Through continued intelligence-sharing, we can disrupt terrorist plots and dismantle terrorist networks. Through early warning and coordination, we can check the spread of disease. And through determined diplomacy, we must meet our responsibility to seek the peaceful resolution of conflict -- and that can begin with a renewed push to end the suffering in Darfur, and to promote a comprehensive peace in Sudan.All of these issues are rooted in the fact that no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century on its own, nor effectively advance its interests in isolation. It is this fundamental truth that compels us to cooperate. I have no illusion that the United States and China will agree on every issue, nor choose to see the world in the same way. This was already noted by our previous speaker. But that only makes dialogue more important -- so that we can know each other better, and communicate our concerns with candor.For instance, the United States respects the progress that China has made by lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Just as we respect China's ancient and remarkable culture, its remarkable achievements, we also strongly believe that the religion and culture of all peoples must be respected and protected, and that all people should be free to speak their minds. And that includes ethnic and religious minorities in China, as surely as it includes minorities within the United States.Support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America. Our nation is made up of immigrants from every part of the world. We have protected our unity and struggled to perfect our union by extending basic rights to all our people. And those rights include the freedom to speak your mind, to worship your God, and to choose your leaders. These are not things that we seek to impose -- this is who we are. It guides our openness to one another and to the world.China has its own distinct story that shapes its own worldview. And Americans know the richness of China's history because it helped to shape the world and it helped to shape America. We know the talent of the Chinese people because they have helped to create this great country. My own Cabinet contains two Chinese Americans. And we know that despite our differences, America is enriched through deeper ties with a country of 1.3 billion people that is at once ancient and dynamic -- ties that can be forged through increased exchanges among our people, and constructive bilateral relations between our governments. That is how we will narrow our divisions.Let us be honest: We know that some are wary of the future. Some in China think that America will try to contain China's ambitions; some in America think that there is something to fear in a rising China. I take a different view. And I believe President Hu takes a different view, as well. I believe in a future where China is a strong, prosperous and successful member of the community of nations; a future when our nations are partners out of necessity, but also out of opportunity. This future is not fixed, but it is a destination that can be reached if we pursue a sustained dialogue like the one that you will commence today, and act on what we hear and what we learn.Thousands of years ago, the great philosopher Mencius said: A trail through the mountains, if used, becomes a path in a short time, but, if unused, becomes blocked by grass in an equally short time. Our task is to forge a path to the future that we seek for our children -- to prevent mistrust or the inevitable differences of the moment from allowing that trail to be blocked by grass; to always be mindful of the journey that we are undertaking together.This dialogue will help determine the ultimate destination of that journey. It represents a commitment to shape our young century through sustained cooperation, and not confrontation. I look forward to carrying this effort forward through my first visit to China, where I hope to come to know better your leaders, your people, and your majestic country. Together, I'm confident that we can move steadily in the direction of progress, and meet our responsibility to our people and to the future that we will all share.Thank you very much. (Applause.)END9:50 A.M. EDT(end transcript)
